Egypt History

Egypt is home to one of the richest and most ancient civilizations in the world extending to several millennia BC It was the Pharaoh Menes who united the two kingdoms of Upper and Lower Egypt, inaugurating what came to be known as the Ancient Empire (3200-2270 BC).

Ramses II is another Pharaoh who deserves mentioning. He ruled from 1279 to 1212 BC and is known for his prodigious buildings, rising temples, statues and other monuments throughout Egypt. Among his major achievements was the signing of the first Peace Treaty to be recorded in history, concluded between Egypt and the Hitites.

Another great Pharaoh is Akhnaton who reigned from 1379 to 1362 BC. He was originally called Amenophis IV, but changed his name in honor of Aten, the Sun God. Akhnaton is considered to have heralded the concept of monotheism in the history of religion.

Alexander the Great arrived to Egypt in the late autumn of 332 BC. He founded Alexandria in 331 BC as a gateway to his motherland, Greece. Alexandria became a major center for trading. Its Library became a cultural center that made an important contribution to civilization.

The Ptolemies ruled Egypt until 30 BC and were succeeded by the Romans until 642 AD when the Arabs arrived. It was during the Roman period when Christianity came to Egypt. It was in Alexandria where the great Catechtical School, which produced the early fathers of the Church, emerged.

In 642 AD, Egypt witnessed the beginning of its Arab and Islamic epoch. Successive Arab rulers governed Egypt as part of the Islamic empire, and at various junctures established it as the center of power of the empire.

The Arabs were followed by the Mamlukes, who were magnificent warriors and who ruled Egypt from 1250-1517 AD when their reign ended with the Ottoman conquest of Egypt under Sultan Selim.

The arrival of Napoleon Bonaparte to Egypt on July 2nd 1798, initiated a new phase in Egypt's history. Accompanying his expedition were a number of savants and scientists who made a complete encyclopedic survey of Egypt, known as "Description de l'Egypte". The expedition contributed significantly to the study of ancient Egyptian history through the discovery of the Rosetta Stone and the consequent deciphering of Hieroglyphics, the ancient Egyptian language.

After the departure of the French expedition, Mohamad Ali, who was an officer in the Ottoman Army, rose to power with the support of the Egyptian people. His rule extending from 1805 to 1849 was an eventful period in Egypt's modern history. He is regarded as the father of modern Egypt who set the country on the march towards modernization.

In 1863, Khedive Ismail, a member of Mohamad Ali's dynasty, rose to power. If Mohamad Ali had started the process of modernization, it was Ismail who completed it. He had boundless ambitions to bring Egypt up to the same level of culture, civilization and development which was enjoyed by most nations of Europe. It was during his reign, in 1869, that the Suez Canal was inaugurated.

Towards the end of the 19th Century, and exactly on August 12th 1882, British troops landed at Alexandria marking the beginning of British occupation which lasted for 74 years. The beginning of the 20th century witnessed the awakening of the national conscience aiming at ending the British occupation. Mustafa Kamel, Sa'ad Zaghloul, Mustafa El Nahas and many others were prominent figures who strove to achieve two national objectives; independence and constitutional reform.

On the 28th of February 1922, Britain unilaterally declared the termination of the British Protectorate and declared Egypt an independent state. In 1923, the first Constitution was promulgated and Sa'ad Zaghloul formed the first representative government of Egypt.

After the 1948 Palestine War, political, economic and social frustration intensified in Egypt. This led to the formation of the Free Officers Movement, which was created by a group of young officers who felt that they had been betrayed by their own government.

On the 23rd of July 1952, the Free Officer Movement led by Gamal Abd El-Nasser seized power in a bloodless revolution which allowed King Farouk to leave the country with a full royal salute.

On the 18th of June 1953, the monarchy ended and Egypt was declared a Republic and Mohamad Naguib was named as the first President. In 1954 Nasser assumed control as the second president. During Nasser's presidency, extensive agricultural and industrial development projects were carried out. Progressive economic and social reforms were implemented for the benefit of the majority of the Egyptian people.

With the death of President Nasser in September 1970, Anwar El-Sadat assumed office.

On October 6th, 1973, the Egyptian army crossed the Suez Canal, stormed the Bar Lev line and recaptured parts of Sinai occupied by Israel in 1967. To overcome the state of belligerency, President Sadat announced his historic initiative to visit Israel in pursuit of lasting peace, which he did in November 1977. Finally, the Egyptian-Israeli Peace Treaty was signed in March 1979.

The Sadat period witnessed changes in the political, social and economic domains, and at the same time, the private sector was given a greater share in the country's economy through the implementation of the "Open Door Policy".

In October 1981, Vice President Hosny Mubarak succeeded Sadat as President. Economic reforms undertaken under Mubarak succeeded in diverting finance towards productive investment in industry and agriculture. The main features of Egypt's national economic policy under President Mubarak are the efforts to broaden the economic base by promoting local, Arab and foreign investment. A process of successful privatization has started, the stock exchange has been revived, and reform programs with the IMF and the World Bank have been signed and implemented.

take from:www.presidency.gov.eg/html/history.html

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Australian History

Before the arrival of European settlers, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples inhabited most areas of the Australian continent. Each people spoke one or more of hundreds of separate languages, with lifestyles and cultural traditions that differed according to the region in which they lived. Their complex social systems and highly developed traditions reflect a deep connection with the land and environment.

Asian and Oceanic mariners and traders were in contact with Indigenous Australians for many centuries before the European expansion into the Eastern Hemisphere. Some formed substantial relationships with communities in northern Australia.

European settlement
The first recorded European contact with Australia was in March 1606, when Dutch explorer Willem Janszoon (c.1570 - 1630) charted the west coast of Cape York Peninsula, Queensland. Later that year, the Spanish explorer Luis Vaez de Torres sailed through the strait separating Australia and Papua New Guinea. Over the next two centuries, European explorers and traders continued to chart the coastline of Australia, then known as New Holland. In 1688, William Dampier became the first British explorer to land on the Australian coast. It was not until 1770 that another Englishman, Captain James Cook, aboard the Endeavour, extended a scientific voyage to the South Pacific in order to further chart the east coast of Australia and claim it for the British Crown.

Britain decided to use its new outpost as a penal colony; the First Fleet of 11 ships carried about 1500 people—half of them convicts. The fleet arrived in Sydney Harbour on 26 January 1788, and it is on this day every year that Australia Day is celebrated.

In all, about 160 000 men and women were brought to Australia as convicts from 1788 until penal transportation ended in 1868. The convicts were joined by free immigrants from the early 1790s. The wool industry and the gold rushes of the 1850s provided an impetus for free settlers to come to Australia.

Scarcity of labour, the vastness of the land and new wealth based on farming, mining and trade made Australia a land of opportunity. Yet during this period, Indigenous Australians suffered enormously. Death, illness, displacement and dispossession disrupted traditional lifestyles and practices.

A nation is born

The Commonwealth of Australia was formed in 1901 through the federation of six states under a single constitution. The non-Indigenous population at the time of Federation was 3.8 million. Half of these lived in cities, three-quarters were born in Australia, and the majority were of English, Scottish or Irish descent.

The founders of the new nation believed they were creating something new and were concerned to avoid the pitfalls of the old world. They wanted Australia to be harmonious, united and egalitarian, and had progressive ideas about human rights, the observance of democratic procedures and the value of a secret ballot.

While one of the first acts of the new Commonwealth Parliament was to pass the Immigration Restriction Act 1901, which restricted migration to people of primarily European origin, this was dismantled after the Second World War. Today Australia has a global, non-discriminatory policy and is home to people from more than 200 countries.

From 1900 to 1914 great progress was made in developing Australia’s agricultural and manufacturing capacities, and in setting up institutions for government and social services.

The impact of war

The First World War had a devastating impact on Australia. In 1914 the male population of Australia was less than 3 million, yet almost 400 000 of them volunteered to fight in the war. As many as 60 000 died and tens of thousands more were wounded.

Out of this experience was born one of Australia’s most enduring values: the ‘Anzac’ ethos of courage and spirit. Every year on 25 April, Australia commemorates the brave but devastating battle fought by the Australia and New Zealand Army Corps—Anzacs—at Gallipoli, Turkey, in 1915. The day also commemorates all Australian soldiers who have fought in wars since then.

The period between the two world wars was marked by instability. Social and economic divisions widened during the Depression years when many Australian financial institutions failed.

During the Second World War Australian forces made a significant contribution to the Allied victory in Europe and in Asia and the Pacific. The generation that fought in the war and survived came out of the war with a sense of pride in Australia’s capabilities.
Post-war prosperity

After the war Australia entered a boom period. Millions of refugees and migrants arrived in Australia, many of them young people happy to embrace their new lives with energy and vigour. The number of Australians employed in the manufacturing industry had grown steadily since the beginning of the century. Many women who had taken over factory work while men were away at war were able to continue working in peacetime.

The economy developed strongly in the 1950s with major nation-building projects such as the Snowy Mountains Scheme, a hydro-electric power scheme located in Australia’s southern alps. Suburban Australia also prospered. The rate of home ownership rose dramatically from barely 40 per cent in 1947 to more than 70 per cent by 1960.

Other developments included the expansion of the social security net and the arrival of television. Melbourne hosted the Olympic Games of 1956, shining the international spotlight on Australia.

A changing society

The 1960s was a period of change for Australia. The ethnic diversity produced by post-war immigration, the decline of the United Kingdom and the Vietnam War (to which Australia sent troops) all contributed to an atmosphere of political, economic and social change.

In 1967 the Australian people voted overwhelmingly in a national referendum to give the federal government the power to pass legislation on behalf of Indigenous Australians and to include Indigenous Australians in future censuses. The referendum result was the culmination of a strong campaign by both Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. It was widely seen as a strong affirmation of the Australian people’s wish to see its government take direct action to improve the living conditions of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples.

The long post-war domination of national politics by the coalition of the Liberal and Country (now National) parties ended in 1972, when the Australian Labor Party was elected. The next three years saw major changes in Australia’s social and economic policy agenda and a heavy legislative program of reforms in health, education, foreign affairs, social security and industrial relations. However, a constitutional crisis resulted in Labor Prime Minister Gough Whitlam being dismissed by the then Governor-General. In the subsequent general election the Labor Party suffered a major defeat and the Liberal–National Coalition ruled until 1983, when Labor again won office. In 1996 a Coalition Government led by John Howard won the general election and was re-elected in 1998, 2001 and 2004.

Today Australia is one of the most cosmopolitan and dynamic societies in the world. Over 200 languages are spoken, with English the common language. The nation has thriving ethnic media, an international business reputation, an innovative artistic community, diverse religious and cultural activities and variety in foods, restaurants, fashion and architecture.

Take from: http://www.dfat.gov.au/aib/history.html

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Japanese History

During the Jomon Period (13000 BC to 300 BC), the inhabitants of the Japanese islands were gatherers, fishers and hunters. Jomon is the name of the era's pottery.

During the Yayoi Period (300 BC to 300 AD), the rice culture was imported into Japan around 100 BC. With the introduction of agriculture, social classes started to evolve, and parts of the country began to unite under powerful land owners. Chinese travellers during the Han and Wei dynasties reported that a queen called Himiko (or Pimiku) reigned over Japan at that time. The Yayoi period brought also the introduction of iron and other modern ideas from Korea into Japan. Again, its pottery gave the period its name.

By the beginning of the Kofun Period (300 - 538), a center of power had developed in the fertile Kinai plain, and by about 400 AD the country was united as Yamato Japan with its political center in and around the province of Yamato (about today's Nara prefecture). The period's name comes from the large tombs (kofun) that were built for the political leaders of that era. Yamato Japan extended from Kyushu to the Kinai plain, but did not yet include the Kanto, Tohoku and Hokkaido.

The emperor was ruler of Yamato Japan and resided in a capital that was moved frequently from one city to another. However, the Soga clan soon took over the actual political power, resulting in the fact that most of the emperors only acted as the symbol of the state and performed Shinto rituals.

Due to friendly relations to the kingdom of Kudara (or Paikche) on the Korean peninsula, the influence from the mainland increased strongly. Buddhism was introduced to Japan in the year 538 or 552 and was promoted by the ruling class. Prince Shotoku is said to have played an especially important role in promoting Chinese ideas. He also wrote the Constitution of Seventeen Articles about moral and political principles. Also the theories of Confucianism and Taoism, as well as the Chinese writing system were introduced to Japan during the Yamato period.

In 645, Nakatomi no Kamatari started the era of the Fujiwara clan that was to last until the rise of the military class (samurai) in the 11th century. In the same year, the Taika reforms were realized: A new government and administrative system was established after the Chinese model. All land was bought by the state and redistributed equally among the farmers in a large land reform in order to introduce the new tax system that was also adopted from China.

n the year 710, the first permanent Japanese capital was established in Nara, a city modelled after the Chinese capital. Large Buddhist monasteries were built in the new capital. The monasteries quickly gained such strong political influence that, in order to protect the position of the emperor and central government, the capital was moved to Nagaoka in 784, and finally to Heian (Kyoto) in 794 where it should remain for over one thousand years.

One characteristic of the Nara and Heian periods is a gradual decline of Chinese influence which, nevertheless, remained strong. Many of the imported ideas were gradually "Japanized". In order to meet particular Japanese needs, several governmental offices were established in addition to the government system which was copied after the Chinese model, for example. In the arts too, native Japanese movements became increasingly popular. The development of the Kana syllables made the creation of actual Japanese literature possible. Several new Buddhist sects that were imported from China during the Heian period, were also "Japanized".

Among the worst failures of the Taika reforms were the land and taxation reforms: High taxes resulted in the impoverishment of many farmers who then had to sell their properties and became tenants of larger land owners. Furthermore, many aristocrats and the Buddhist monasteries succeeded in achieving tax immunity. As a result, the state income decreased, and over the centuries, the political power steadily shifted from the central government to the large independent land owners.

The Fujiwara family controlled the political scene of the Heian period over several centuries through strategic intermarriages with the imperial family and by occupying all the important political offices in Kyoto and the major provinces. The power of the clan reached its peak with Fujiwara Michinaga in the year 1016. After Michinaga, however, the ability of the Fujiwara leaders began to decline, and public order could not be maintained. Many land owners hired samurai for the protection of their properties. That is how the military class became more and more influential, especially in Eastern Japan.

The Fujiwara supremacy came to an end in 1068 when the new emperor Go-Sanjo was determined to rule the country by himself, and the Fujiwara failed to control him. In the year 1086 Go-Sanjo abdicated but continued to rule from behind the political stage. This new form of government was called Insei government. Insei emperors exerted political power from 1086 until 1156 when Taira Kiyomori became the new leader of Japan.

In the 12th century, two military families with aristocratic backgrounds gained much power: the Minamoto (or Genji) and Taira (or Heike) families. The Taira replaced many Fujiwara nobles in important offices while the Minamoto gained military experience by bringing parts of Northern Honshu under Japanese control in the Early Nine Years War (1050 - 1059) and the Later Three Years war (1083 - 1087).

After the Heiji Rising (1159), a struggle for power between the two families, Taira Kiyomori evolved as the leader of Japan and ruled the country from 1168 to 1178 through the emperor. The major threats with which he was confronted were not only the rivalling Minamoto but also the increasingly militant Buddhist monasteries which frequently led wars between each other and disturbed public order.

After Kiyomori's death, the Taira and Minamoto clans fought a deciding war for supremacy, the Gempei War, which lasted from 1180 to 1185. By the end of the war, the Minamoto were able to put an end to Taira supremacy, and Minamoto Yoritomo succeeded as the leader of Japan. After eliminating all of his potential and acute enemies, including close family members, he was appointed Shogun (highest military officer) and established a new government in his home city Kamakura.

In 1185, the Minamoto family took over the control over Japan after defeating the Taira clan in the Gempei war. Minamoto Yoritomo was appointed shogun in the year 1192 and established a new government, the Kamakura Bakufu. The new feudal government was organized in a simpler way than the one in Kyoto and worked much more efficient under Japanese conditions.

After Yoritomo's death in 1199, quarrels for supremacy started between the Bakufu of Kamakura and the Imperial court in Kyoto. Those quarrels for supremacy found an end in the Jokyu disturbance in 1221 when Kamakura defeated the Imperial army in Kyoto, and the Hojo regents in Kamakura achieved complete control over Japan. By redistributing the land gained during the Jokyu disturbance, they were able to achieve loyalty among all the powerful people throughout the country. The emperor and the remaining governmental offices in Kyoto lost practically all effective power.

Chinese influence continued to be relatively strong during the Kamakura period. New Buddhist sects were introduced: the Zen sect (introduced 1191) found large numbers of followers among the samurai, which were now the leading social class. Another new Buddhist sect, the radical and intolerant Lotus Sutra sect was founded in 1253 by Nichiren.

In 1232 a legal code, the Joei Shikimoku was promulgated. It stressed Confucian values such as the importance of loyalty to the master, and generally attempted to suppress a decline of morals and discipline. Tight control was maintained by the Hojo clan, and any signs of rebellions were destroyed immediately.

The shogun stayed in Kamakura without much power while deputies of him were located in Kyoto and Western Japan. Stewards and constables controlled the provinces tightly and loyally. Indeed, the Hojo regents were able to bring several decades of peace and economic expansion to the country until an external power began to threaten Japan.

By 1259, the Mongols had conquered China and became also interested in Japan. Several threatening messages of the powerful Mongols were ignored by Kamakura. This resulted in the first Mongol invasion attempt in 1274 on the island of Kyushu. After only a few hours of fighting, however, the large naval invasion fleet, was forced to pull back because of bad weather conditions. This was very fortunate for the Japanese since their odds against the large and modern Mongol force were not favourable at all.

Due to good preparations, the Japanese were able to maintain a strong defence for several weeks during a second invasion attempt which occurred in 1281. But again, the Mongols were finally forced to withdraw mainly because of bad weather. Kyushu remained in alert for a possible third invasion attempt, but the Mongols soon had too many problems on the mainland in order to care about Japan.

The consequences of the many years of war preparations against the Mongols were fatal to the Kamakura government since they resulted only in expenditures and no profits. Many of the loyal men who were fighting for Kamakura, were now waiting for rewards that the government could not pay. Hence, financial problems and decreasing loyalty among the powerful lords were some of the reasons for the fall of the Kamakura government.

By 1333 the power of the Hojo regents had declined to such a degree that the emperor Go-Daigo was able to restore imperial power and overthrow the Kamakura Bakufu.

The emperor Go-Daigo was able to restore imperial power in Kyoto and to overthrow the Kamakura Bakufu in 1333. However, the revival of the old imperial offices under the Kemmu restoration (1334) did not last for long because the old administration system was out of date and practice, and incompetent officials failed gaining the support of the powerful landowners.

Ashikaga Takauji, once fighting for the emperor, now challenged the imperial court and succeeded in capturing Kyoto in 1336. Go-Daigo, consequently, fled to Yoshino in the South of Kyoto where he founded the Southern court. At the same time, another emperor was appointed in Kyoto. This was possible because of a succession dispute that had been going on between two lines of the imperial family since the death of emperor Go-Saga in 1272.

In 1338 Takauji appointed himself shogun and established his government in Kyoto. The Muromachi district where the government buildings were located from 1378 gave the government and the historical period their names.

Two imperial courts existed in Japan for over 50 years: the Southern and Northern courts. They fought many battles against each other. The Northern court usually was in a more advantageous position; nevertheless, the South succeeded in capturing Kyoto several times for short time periods resulting in the destruction of the capital on a regular basis. The Southern court finally gave in in 1392, and the country became emperor-wise reunited again.

During the era of Shogun Ashikaga Yoshimitsu (1368 - 1408), the Muromachi Bakufu was able to control the central provinces, but gradually lost its influence over outer regions. Yoshimitsu established good trade relations with Ming China. Domestic production also increased through improvements in agriculture and the consequences of a new inheritance system. These economic changes resulted in the development of markets, several kinds of towns and new social classes.

During the 15th and 16th centuries, the influence of the Ashikaga shoguns and the government in Kyoto declined to practically nothing. The political newcomers of the Muromachi period were members of land owning, military families (ji-samurai). By first cooperating and then surpassing provincial constables, a few of them achieved influence over whole provinces. Those new feudal lords were to be called daimyo. They exerted the actual control over the different parts of Japan, and continuously fought against each other for several decades during the complicated age of civil wars (Sengoku jidai). Some of the most powerful lords were the Takeda, Uesugi and Hojo in the East, and Ouchi, Mori, and Hosokawa in the West.

In 1542 the first Portuguese traders and Jesuit missionaries arrived in Kyushu, and introduced firearms and christianity to Japan. The Jesuit Francis Xavier undertook a mission to Kyoto in 1549-50. Despite Buddhist opposition, most of the Western warlords welcomed Christianity because they were keen in trade with overseas nations mainly for military reasons.

By the middle of the 16th century, several of the most powerful warlords were competing for control over the whole country. One of them was Oda Nobunaga. He made the first big steps towards unification of Japan by capturing Kyoto in 1568 and overthrowing the Muromachi bakufu in 1573.

Please read more about the rise of Nobunaga and the developments in the Azuchi-Momoyama period here.

Oda Nobunaga achieved control over the province of Owari (around the modern city of Nagoya) in 1559. As many other daimyo, he was keen in uniting Japan. Strategically favorably located, he succeeded in capturing the capital in 1568.

After establishing himself in Kyoto, Nobunaga continued to eliminate his enemies. Among them were some militant Buddhist sects, especially the Ikko sect (Pure Land Sect) which had become very powerful in several provinces. Nobunaga destroyed the Enryakuji monastery near Kyoto completely in 1571. His fight against the Ikko sect continued until 1580.

Rather fortunate was Nobunaga concerning two of his most dangerous rivals in the East: Takeda Shingen and Uesugi Kenshin. Both of them died before they were able to confront Nobunaga. After Shingen's death, Nobunaga defeated the Takeda clan in the battle of Nagashino (1575), making use of modern warfare.

In 1582, general Akechi murdered Nobunaga and captured his Azuchi castle. Toyotomi Hideyoshi, a general fighting for Nobunaga, reacted very quickly, defeated Akechi, and took over control. Hideyoshi continued to eliminate remaining rivals. He subdued the Northern provinces and Shikoku in 1583 and Kyushu in 1587. After defeating the Hojo family in Odawara in 1590, Japan was finally reunited.

In order to bring the country under absolute control, Hideyoshi destroyed many castles that were built throughout the country during the era of civil wars. In 1588 he confiscated the weapons of all the farmers and religious institutions in the "Sword Hunt". He forbade the samurai to be active as farmers and forced them to move into the castle towns. A clear distinction between the social classes should increase the government's control over the people. In addition, a land survey was started in 1583, and a census carried out in 1590. In the same year, Hideyoshi's large castle, the Osaka Castle, was completed.

In 1587, Hideyoshi issued an edict expelling Christian missionaries. Nevertheless, Franciscans were able to enter Japan in 1593 and the Jesuits remained active in the West. In 1597 Hideyoshi intensified the persecution of Christian missionaries, forbade further conversions, and executed 26 Franciscans as a warning. Christianity was seen as an obstacle in establishing absolute control over the people; furthermore, many Jesuits and Franciscans had acted aggressively and intolerant towards Shinto and Buddhist institutions.

After uniting the country, Hideyoshi attempted to realize his rather megalomaniac dream of conquering China. In 1592, his armies invaded Korea and captured Seoul within a few weeks; however, they were pushed back again by Chinese and Korean forces in the following year. Hideyoshi stubbornly didn't give in until the final evacuation from Korea in 1598, the same year in which he died.

Tokugawa Ieyasu, who had been an intelligent partner of Hideyoshi and Nobunaga, succeeded Hideyoshi as the most powerful man of Japan.

Tokugawa Ieyasu was the most powerful man in Japan after Hideyoshi had died in 1598. Against his promises he did not respect Hideyoshi's successor Hideyori because he wanted to become the absolute ruler of Japan.

In the battle of Sekigahara in 1600, Ieyasu defeated the Hideyori loyalists and other Western rivals. Hence, he achieved almost unlimited power and wealth. In 1603, Ieyasu was appointed Shogun by the emperor and established his government in Edo (Tokyo). The Tokugawa shoguns continued to rule Japan for a remarkable 250 years.

Ieyasu brought the whole country under tight control. He cleverly redistributed the gained land among the daimyo: more loyal vassals (the ones who supported him already before Sekigahara) received strategically more important domains accordingly. Every daimyo was also required to spend every second year in Edo. This meant a huge financial burden for the daimyo and moderated his power at home.

Ieyasu continued to promote foreign trade. He established relations with the English and the Dutch. On the other hand, he enforced the suppression and persecution of Christianity from 1614 on.

After the destruction of the Toyotomi clan in 1615 when Ieyasu captured Osaka Castle, he and his successors had practically no rivals anymore, and peace prevailed throughout the Edo period. Therefore, the warriors (samurai) were educating themselves not only in the martial arts but also in literature, philosophy and the arts, e.g. the tea ceremony.

In 1633, shogun Iemitsu forbade travelling abroad and almost completely isolated Japan in 1639 by reducing the contacts to the outside world to very limited trade relations with China and the Netherlands in the port of Nagasaki. In addition, all foreign books were banned.

Despite the isolation, domestic trade and agricultural production continued to improve. During the Edo period and especially during the Genroku era (1688 - 1703), popular culture flourished. New art forms like kabuki and ukiyo-e became very popular especially among the townspeople.

The most important philosophy of Tokugawa Japan was Neo-Confucianism, stressing the importance of morals, education and hierarchical order in the government and society: A strict four class system existed during the Edo period: at the top of the social hierarchy stood the samurai, followed by the peasants, artisans and merchants. The members of the four classes were not allowed to change their social status. Outcasts (eta), people with professions that were considered impure, formed a fifth class.

In 1720, the ban of Western literature was cancelled, and several new teachings entered Japan from China and Europe (Dutch Learning). New nationalist schools that combined Shinto and Confucianist elements also developed.

Even though the Tokugawa government remained quite stable over several centuries, its position was steadily declining for several reasons: A steady worsening of the financial situation of the government led to higher taxes and riots among the farm population. In addition, Japan regularly experienced natural disasters and years of famine that caused riots and further financial problems for the central government and the daimyo. The social hierarchy began to break down as the merchant class grew increasingly powerful while some samurai became financially dependent of them. In the second half of the era, corruption, incompetence and a decline of morals within the government caused further problems.

In the end of the 18th century, external pressure started to be an increasingly important issue, when the Russians first tried to establish trade contacts with Japan without success. They were followed by other European nations and the Americans in the 19th century. It was eventually Commodore Perry in 1853 and again in 1854 who forced the Tokugawa government to open a limited number of ports for international trade. However, the trade remained very limited until the Meiji restoration in 1868.

All factors combined, the anti-government feelings were growing and caused other movements such as the demand for the restoration of imperial power and anti western feelings, especially among ultra-conservative samurai in increasingly independently acting domains such as Choshu and Satsuma. Many people, however, soon recognized the big advantages of the Western nations in science and military, and favoured a complete opening to the world. Finally, also the conservatives recognized this fact after being confronted with Western warships in several incidents.

In 1867-68, the Tokugawa government fell because of heavy political pressure, and the power of Emperor Meiji was restored.

In 1867/68, the Tokugawa era found an end in the Meiji Restoration. The emperor Meiji was moved from Kyoto to Tokyo which became the new capital; his imperial power was restored. The actual political power was transferred from the Tokugawa Bakufu into the hands of a small group of nobles and former samurai.

Like other subjugated Asian nations, the Japanese were forced to sign unequal treaties with Western powers. These treaties granted the Westerners one-sided economical and legal advantages in Japan. In order to regain independence from the Europeans and Americans and establish herself as a respected nation in the world, Meiji Japan was determined to close the gap to the Western powers economically and militarily. Drastic reforms were carried out in practically all areas.

The new government aimed to make Japan a democratic state with equality among all its people. The boundaries between the social classes of Tokugawa Japan were gradually broken down. Consequently, the samurai were the big losers of those social reforms since they lost all their privileges. The reforms also included the establishment of human rights such as religious freedom in 1873.

In order to stabilize the new government, the former feudal lords (daimyo) had to return all their lands to the emperor. This was achieved already in 1870 and followed by the restructuring of the country in prefectures.

The education system was reformed after the French and later after the German system. Among those reforms was the introduction of compulsory education.

After about one to two decades of intensive westernization, a revival of conservative and nationalistic feelings took place: principles of Confucianism and Shinto including the worship of the emperor were increasingly emphasized and taught at educational institutions.

Catching up on the military sector was, of course, a high priority for Japan in an era of European and American imperialism. Universal conscription was introduced, and a new army modelled after the Prussian force, and a navy after the British one were established.

In order to transform the agrarian economy of Tokugawa Japan into a developed industrial one, many Japanese scholars were sent abroad to study Western science and languages, while foreign experts taught in Japan. The transportation and communication networks were improved by means of large governmental investments. The government also directly supported the prospering of businesses and industries, especially the large and powerful family businesses called zaibatsu.

The large expenditures led to a financial crisis in the middle of the 1880's which was followed by a reform of the currency system and the establishment of the Bank of Japan. The textile industry grew fastest and remained the largest Japanese industry until WW2. Work conditions in the early factories were very bad, but developing socialist and liberal movements were soon suppressed by the ruling clique.

On the political sector, Japan received its first European style constitution in 1889. A parliament, the Diet was established while the emperor kept sovereignty: he stood at the top of the army, navy, executive and legislative power. The ruling clique, however, kept on holding the actual power, and the able and intelligent emperor Meiji agreed with most of their actions. Political parties did not yet gain real power due to the lack of unity among their members.

Conflicts of interests in Korea between China and Japan led to the Sino-Japanese War in 1894-95. Japan defeated China, received Taiwan, but was forced by Russia, France and Germany to return other territories. The so called Triple Intervention caused the Japanese army and navy to intensify their rearmament.

New conflicts of interests in Korea and Manchuria, this time between Russia and Japan, led to the Russo-Japanese War in 1904-05. The Japanese army also won this war gaining territory and finally some international respect. Japan further increased her influence on Korea and annexed her completely in 1910. In Japan, the war successes caused nationalism to increase even more, and other Asian nations also started to develop national self confidence.

In 1912 emperor Meiji died, and the era of the ruling clique of elder statesmen (genro) was about to end.

During the era of the weak emperor Taisho (1912-26), the political power shifted from the oligarchic clique (genro) to the parliament and the democratic parties.

In the First World War, Japan joined the Allied powers, but played only a minor role in fighting German colonial forces in East Asia. At the following Paris Peace Conference of 1919, Japan's proposal of amending a "racial equality clause" to the covenant of the League of Nations was rejected by the United States, Britain and Australia. Arrogance and racial discrimination towards the Japanese had plagued Japanese-Western relations since the forced opening of the country in the 1800s, and were again a major factor for the deterioration of relations in the decades preceeding World War 2. In 1924, for example, the US Congress passed the Exclusion Act that prohibited further immigration from Japan.

After WW1, Japan's economical situation worsened. The Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923 and the world wide depression of 1929 intensified the crisis.

During the 1930s, the military established almost complete control over the government. Many political enemies were assassinated, and communists persecuted. Indoctrination and censorship in education and media were further intensified. Navy and army officers soon occupied most of the important offices, including the one of the prime minister.

Already earlier, Japan followed the example of Western nations and forced China into unequal economical and political treaties. Furthermore, Japan's influence over Manchuria had been steadily growing since the end of the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-05. When the Chinese Nationalists began to seriously challenge Japan's position in Manchuria in 1931, the Kwantung Army (Japanese armed forces in Manchuria) occupied Manchuria. In the following year, "Manchukuo" was declared an independent state, controlled by the Kwantung Army through a puppet government. In the same year, the Japanese air force bombarded Shanghai in order to protect Japanese residents from anti Japanese movements.

In 1933, Japan withdrew from the League of Nations since she was heavily criticized for her actions in China.

In July 1937, the second Sino-Japanese War broke out. A small incident was soon made into a full scale war by the Kwantung army which acted rather independently from a more moderate government. The Japanese forces succeeded in occupying almost the whole coast of China and committed severe war atrocities on the Chinese population, especially during the fall of the capital Nanking. However, the Chinese government never surrendered completely, and the war continued on a lower scale until 1945.

In 1940, Japan occupied French Indochina (Vietnam) upon agreement with the French Vichy government, and joined the Axis powers Germany and Italy. These actions intensified Japan's conflict with the United States and Great Britain which reacted with an oil boycott. The resulting oil shortage and failures to solve the conflict diplomatically made Japan decide to capture the oil rich Dutch East Indies (Indonesia) and to start a war with the US and Great Britain.

In December 1941, Japan attacked the Allied powers at Pearl Harbour and several other points throughout the Pacific. Japan was able to expand her control over a large territory that expanded to the border of India in the West and New Guinea in the South within the following six months.

The turning point in the Pacific War was the battle of Midway in June 1942. From then on, the Allied forces slowly won back the territories occupied by Japan. In 1944, intensive air raids started over Japan. In spring 1945, US forces invaded Okinawa in one of the war's bloodiest battles.

On July 27, 1945, the Allied powers requested Japan in the Potsdam Declaration to surrender unconditionally, or destruction would continue. However, the military did not consider surrendering under such terms, partially even after US military forces dropped two atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki on August 6 and 9, and the Soviet Union entered the war against Japan on August 8.

On August 14, however, Emperor Showa finally decided to surrender unconditionally.

After World War II had ended, Japan was devastated. All the large cities (with the exception of Kyoto), the industries and the transportation networks were severely damaged. A severe shortage of food continued for several years.

The occupation of Japan by the Allied Powers started in August 1945 and ended in April 1952. General MacArthur was its first Supreme Commander. The whole operation was mainly carried out by the United States.

Japan basically lost all the territory acquired after 1894. In addition, the Kurile islands were occupied by the Soviet Union, and the Ryukyu Islands, including Okinawa, were controlled by the USA. Okinawa was returned to Japan in 1972, however a territorial dispute with Russia concerning the Kurile Islands has not been resolved yet.

The remains of Japan's war machine were destroyed, and war crime trials were held. Over 500 military officers committed suicide right after Japan surrendered, and many hundreds more were executed for committing war crimes. Emperor Showa was not declared a war criminal.

A new constitution went into effect in 1947: The emperor lost all political and military power, and was solely made the symbol of the state. Universal suffrage was introduced and human rights were guaranteed. Japan was also forbidden to ever lead a war again or to maintain an army. Furthermore, Shinto and the state were clearly separated.

MacArthur also intended to break up power concentrations by dissolving the zaibatsu and other large companies, and by decentralizing the education system and the police. In a land reform, concentrations in land ownership were removed.

Especially during the first half of the occupation, Japan's media was subject to a rigid censorship of any anti-American statements and controversial topics such as the race issue.

The co-operation between the Japanese and the Allied powers worked relatively smooth. Critics started to grow when the United States acted increasingly according to her self interests in the Cold War, reintroduced the persecution of communists, stationed more troops in Japan, and wanted Japan to establish an own self defence force despite the anti-war article in the constitution. Many aspects of the occupation's so called "reverse course" were welcomed by conservative Japanese politicians.

With the peace treaty that went into effect in 1952, the occupation ended. Japan's Self Defence Force was established in 1954, accompanied by large public demonstrations. Great public unrest was also caused by the renewal of the US-Japan Security Treaty of 1960.

After the Korean War, and accelerated by it, the recovery of Japan's economy flourished. The economic growth resulted in a quick rise of the living standards, changes in society and the stabilization of the ruling position of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), but also in severe pollution.

Japan's relations to the Soviet Union were normalized in 1956, the ones to China in 1972.

The 1973 oil crisis shocked the Japanese economy which was heavily depended on oil. The reaction was a shift to high technology industries.

take from: http://www.japan-guide.com

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America's Wars

The American Revolution

From 1775 to 1782, the Americans faced off against the largest empire in the world. Led by General Washington they won. Learn about the causes of the war, and follow each battle in this section.
The War of 1812.

Some call it the Second War of Independence, for when it ended and the US had fought Great Britain to a stalemate, America's independence was assured. Each of the major events in this war are covered.
Mexican-American War

Learn how the dispute over Texas joining the Union resulted in US conquest of California and the balance of the Southwest
The Civil War

It was America's bloodiest war as brother fought brother. Learn about the battles, read first hand accounts, and even watch a multimedia presentation.
The Spanish-American War
America became a world power with its victory over the Spanish in this war. Learn about the major events in this war in the section.
World War I

Millions died in the fields of Europe, sometimes while fighting over a few disputed yards. Learn about the major battles and events in this the first major war of the century.
World War II
It was a war like no other, and covered all corners of the gobe. Learn about the major battles of the war in this section.
The Korean War

Some call it the forgotten war, but for two years America fought a full fledged war to keep South Korea free. Find out about all the battles of America's forgotten war.
Vietnam War

It was the longest war that the United States fought and the only one that the United States lost. Learn about the major battles and events, as well statistics of the war on this site.
Desert Storm
The last war America took part in the 20th century took place when Kuwait was invaded by Iraq. The major events of the war are depicted here.

Operation Enduring Freedom

War came to America on September 11th 2001 with an attack on NY and Washington. Not since the Battle of Antietem had so many Americans perished in a day.
Iraqi Freedom
On March 19th 2003 the United States invaded Iraq to overthrow the government of Saddam Hussein. Over three years later, US troops continue to fight an insurgency there.

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Kibarkan Merah Putih di Irian Barat

Mari Kita berjalan Terus Menggalang Segala Kekuatan Nasional Untuk Memasukan Irian Barat Kedalam Wilajah Kekuasan R.I. Tahun Ini Djuga.

Saudara-saudara sekalian,
Beberapa saat jang lalu sja telah memberikan tanda-tanda penghargaan dan penghormatan kepada beberapa djanda pahlawan dan pahlawan jang semuanja telah berdjasa besar, menunaikan tugas patriotiknja membela Republik Indonesia.

Dan saja merasa terharu, bahwa penjematan tanda-tanda penghargaan dan penghormatan itu, saja djalankan pada saat sekarang ini, jaitu pada saat kita sekalian bangsa Indonesia memepringati hari Kebangkitan Nasional. Saudara-saudara sekalian telah mengetahui bahwa 54 tahun jang lalu, tepat pada hari 20 Mei, boleh dikatakan buat pertama kali dengan setjara terorgakita menjatakan kembali tanah-air kita jang telah didjajah oleh pihak Be;anda lebih dari 300 tahun.

Tatkala saja memimpin sidang D.P.A. bebrapa hari jang lalu, maka benar pada waktu itu saja telah memberi perintah kepada Saudara Mr. Muh. Yamin, sebagai Menteri Chusus/Penerangan untuk mengadakan peringatan, baik di Pusat maupun di Daerah, daripada hari jang bersedjarah ini, dan sekarang kita mengadakan peringatan itu, dan saja ketahui bahwa peringatan di Istana Negara Ini, sedang diikut-seratai oleh segenap Rakjat Indonesia dari sabang sampai ke Merauke.

Tapi wakil D.P.R.G.R. J.M. Saudara Subanta telah mengatakan bahwa pihak belanda dengan utjapannja , bahwa Budi Utomo lahir pada tahun 1908 adalah suatu “wonder”, satu keadjaiban, satyu keanehan, meskipun keanehan jang tjemerlang. Dengan utjapan itu pihak Belanda menunjukan tidak mengertinja kepada kehendak sedjarah.....(hlm. 1)

Mari kita berdjalan terus. Berdjalan terus! Djuga di dalam perdjoangan Irian Barat berdjalan terus, meskipun ada rintangan apapun. Maka oleh karena itu, pada tempat ini, bukan sadja saja menundukan kepala saja memintakan berkat rahmat tempat jang baik dari Allah s.w.t kepada pahlawan-pahlwan kita jang sudah gugur dimasa jang lampau, jang baru sadja gugur didalam pertempuran-pertempuran jang sekarang. Bukan sadja saja menundukkan kepala sambil memohon kepada Allah s.w.t. agar supaja Allah s.w.t. memberi tempat jang sebaik-baiknja kepada semua pahlawan-pahlwan kita jang sudah mangkat mendahului kita, tetapipun saja mengutjapkan “eresaluut” saja kepada segenap Rakjat Mandala, kepada pedjoang-pedjoang Rakjat Indonesia, jang dianu didaerah Mandala ini hendak melaksanakan Trikora, kepada segenap pemuda-pemudia dan pemudi-pemudi, segenap Rakjat jang sekarang ini di daerah Mandala sedang berdjoang mati-matian untuk membebaskan Irian Barat, oleh karena mereka itu mendjalankan satu tugas sedjarah bukan sadja, tetapi djuga satu tugas terhadap Allah s.w.t.
Maka oleh karena itu, kita jang sekarang ini disini, jang dibelakang garis Mandala, marilah kita semuanja mempersatukan diri sekuat-kuatnja, siap siaga untuk ikut bergerak membebaskan Irian Barat, siap-siaga untuk membebaskan Irian Barat siap-siaga untuk membantu perdjoangan pemuda-pemuda kita didaerah Mandala itu, untuk membantu perdjoangan daripada Rakjat dan pemuda-pemuda kita di Irian Barat sendiri.

Hanja dengan demikian, maka akan terpenuhilah kita punja djanji, bahwa sebelum ajam djantan berkokok pada tanggal 1 Djanuari 1963 dengan rasmi bendera Sang Merah Putih akan berkibar diseluruh Irian Barat dari kepulauan Radja Ampat sampai Merauke.

Sekian.

NB: ini adalah cuplikan dari pidato Presiden Sukarno Pada Peringatan Hari Kebangkitan Nasional di Istana Negara 20 Mei 1962. Nukilan tersebut diambil dari penerbitan chusus Departemen Penerangan RI 1962. Tulisan asli sengaja tidak disampaikan penuh untuk menghindari perbuatan yang tidak dapat dipertanggungjawabkan.

Sumber: http://bukukuno.blogspot.com

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TERJEMAHAN SINGKAT BUKU P. J DROOGLEVER

Tulisan ini adalah terjemahan dari ringkasan berbahasa Inggris berjudul “Summary” terhadap buku yang ditulis dalam bahasa Belanda oleh Pieter J. Drooglever yang berjudul “Een daad van vrije keuze De Papoea’s van westelijk Nieuw-Guinea en de grenzen van het zelfbeschikkingsrecht” (November, 2005). Drooglever sendiri yang menulis ringkasan dalam bahasa Inggris itu (lihat halaman 31 dan seterusnya), dan diterjemahkan oleh Agus Sumule ke dalam Bahasa Indonesia. Terjemahan Bahasa Indonesia telah diperiksa dan disetujui oleh Drooglever.

Ringkasan

Dalam buku ini kami mengikuti secara cermat nasib penduduk bagian barat pulau New Guinea, dimulai dari eksplorasi yang pertama kali dilakukan oleh bangsa Spanyol pada abad ke-16. Ekspedisi Spanyol ini merupakan bagian dari serangkaian penjelajahan yang dilakukan oleh bangsa-bangsa maritim Eropa, yang kemudian mereka gunakan untuk memperluas klaim kekuasaan mereka di wilayah asing. Bab pertama memuat ringkasan sejarah sampai pada masa Perang Dunia Kedua. Hal kunci yang dikemukakan dalam bab tersebut adalah bahwa bagian barat New Guinea secara lambat laun ditarik ke dalam lingkaran pengaruh kekuasaan pusat kolonial Belanda di Batavia. Kepentingan Batavia, yang merupakan ibukota pemerintahan Hindia Belanda, bukanlah soal komersial, karena pada waktu itu tidak banyak yang dimiliki New Guinea untuk menarik perhatian perekonomian dunia. Alasan utama keterlibatan Belanda lebih bersifat politik/strategis, yaitu untuk memantapkan batas timur pengaruhnya di Asia. Pada awalnya hal ini diupayakan di bawah hukum internasional dengan mendukung klaim kabur yang dibuat oleh Tidore, yang adalah kaki tangan Hindia Belanda, dan yang telah mengakui kedaulatan Belanda. Sepanjang abad ke-19, atas dasar hukum positif internasional, klaim yang digunakan adalah ada-tidaknya kegiatan-kegiatan nyata yang dilakukan oleh penguasa – hal yang digunakan Belanda untuk membenarkan kedaulatannya di bagian barat New Guinea. Sejak tahun 1865, pemerintah Belanda menyatakan kepada dunia luar dengan jelas, bahwa Belanda memandang garis meridian 141 sebagai batas paling timur kekuasaannya. Dengan cara ini suatu batas telah diciptakan, yang kemudian diterima oleh Inggris dan Jerman tanpa melalui perundingan, dan oleh karena itu memperoleh legitimasi internasional.

Sampai pada akhir abad ke-19, klaim-klaim yang dibuat oleh bangsa-bangsa Eropa hanya memiliki arti yang kecil bagi masyarakat setempat. Memang terjadi sejumlah kegiatan perdagangan di daerah pesisir, dan pada tahun 1855 misionaris pertama tinggal di pantai utara tanpa banyak kesuksesan pada awalnya. Keadaan ini berubah ketika pada pergantian abad pusat-pusat pemerintahan Belanda didirikan di tiga tempat secara permanen, yaitu di Manokwari, Fakfak, dan Merauke. Walaupun hanya sedikit sumberdaya yang tersedia untuk menyelenggarakan kegiatan di pusat-pusat pemerintahan ini, perkembangan ini menandai dimulainya reformasi dunia orang-orang Papua di bagian barat New Guinea yang sebelumnya terpisah-pisah. Seiring dengan berlangsungnya pelayanan para misi dan pusat-pusat pemerintahan, terjadilah secara bertahap ekspansi budaya Barat dan pengaruh ekonomi di daerah pesisir pantai, sementara daerah pedalaman juga dieksplorasi dan dipetakan sedikit demi sedikit. Ketika pecah Perang Dunia II, terciptalah kondisi-kondisi bagi terbentuknya suatu masyarakat Papua baru. Perkembangan ini berorientasi kekristenan. Masuknya Belanda juga mengakibatkan kontak yang lebih erat antara orang-orang Papua dengan masyarakat di kepulauan Indonesia yang lain, yang melakukan kegiatan-kegiatan di New Guinea. Mereka ini adalah orang-orang Ambon di utara dan orang-orang Kai di bagian selatan. Mereka bertugas di Papua setelah menyelesaikan pelatihan di lembaga-lembaga yang didirikan oleh para misionaris di pulau-pulau mereka. Hal ini juga menciptakan garis pemisah antara masyarakat Protestan di utara dan Katolik di Selatan, walaupun garis ini tidak secara tegas menunjukkan pembedaan itu.

Ada jarak yang lebar antara para pejabat, guru, dan petugas gereja orang Ambon dan Kai di satu pihak dan masyarakat Papua di pihak lain. Kelompok yang disebutkan pertama ini memandang remeh orang-orang Papua yang kurang maju dan memperlakukan mereka dengan remeh pula. Orang-orang Papua, yang sudah lama menaruh sikap curiga kepada orang-orang pendatang, atau disebut `amberi’, yang merampok daerah pesisir mereka dengan pelayaran hongi Ternate dan Tidore, semakin tidak suka kepada kaum pendatang ini. Ketidaksukaan ini tidak begitu terjadi terhadap orang-orang Eropa yang sebenarnya bertanggung jawab terhadap kehadiran orang-orang Maluku yang menduduki posisi menengah ini. Tanpa orang-orang Maluku ini, berbagai kegiatan pembangunan tidak mungkin dilakukan. Sikap anti-pendatang ini adalah bentuk negatif dari kesadaran identitas diri sendiri orang-orang Papua.

Perkembangan nasionalisme Indonesia tidak menyentuh orang-orang Papua sama sekali. Hal ini tidak saja karena tingkat perkembangan mereka yang masih rendah, tetapi juga terkait dengan komunikasi satu-arah dengan seluruh kawasan Hindia Belanda. Mereka yang disebutkan belakangan mengunjungi New Guinea, tetapi kecuali beberapa pelayaran ke pulau-pulau yang dekat, orang-orang Papua tidak mengunjungi pusat-pusat Hindia Belanda yang memang memiliki sangat sedikit untuk ditawarkan kepada orang-orang Papua. Hanya ada satu kasus di mana orang-orang Papua dikirim ke Jawa untuk disekolahkan, dan pada waktu itu mereka merasa seperti ikan yang dikeluarkan dari dalam air.

Perang Dunia Kedua dan peristiwa-peristiwa sesudahnya semakin memperlebar jarak ini. Sentimen anti-amberi diperkuat karena para aparat Maluku digunakan sebagai eksekutor tindakan-tindakan paksa orang-orang Jepang. Keadaan tersebut mirip dengan keadaan di bagian Indonesia yang lain, di mana hal yang sama juga terjadi. Ini adalah satu-satunya kejadian yang mirip antara yang terjadi di New Guinea dan di Indonesia. Tetapi di New Guinea tidak ada gerakan nasionalis yang memiliki semangat anti-Belanda, yang timbul oleh karena pendudukan Jepang. Keadaan serba kacau akibat perang ini mengakibatkan timbulnya gerakan-gerakan kebudayaan lama di sejumlah tempat. Di Biak, muncul gerakan mesianis, yang juga memasukkan elemen-elemen zaman baru. Untuk pertama kalinya masyarakat Papua membicarakan suatu bendera Papua dan suatu Negara Papua, tetapi merupakan bagian dari ide-ide lama. Inilah Koreri, yang dibahas dalam bab dua.

Bab dua ini juga menunjukkan bahwa New Guinea, dalam banyak hal, memiliki sejarah penjajahan yang berbeda dengan bagian-bagian lain di Indonesia. Hanya sebagian New Guinea yang dijajah oleh Jepang. Pengaruh Belanda terus berlangsung di daerah selatan dan di pedalaman. Pendudukan Jepang pun hanya berlangsung singkat, dan pulau-pulau ini sudah dibebaskan oleh tentara Amerika pada pertengahan tahun 1944. Belanda juga terlibat dalam pembebasan ini, dan segera mengendalikan pemerintahan. Akibatnya, penyelenggaraan kembali pemerintahan di New Guinea terjadi jauh sebelum proklamasi kemerdekaan Indonesia di Jawa pada tanggal 17 Agustus 1945. Dengan beberapa pengecualian, revolusi Indonesia tidak menyentuh New Guinea. Di bawah kendali Komisaris Polisi Van Eechoud yang kuat dan bersemangat, dimulailah kembali gagasan-gagasan pemerintahan yang dikembangkan sebelum masa perang, tetapi kali ini dengan penekanan baru. Sebagai pemegang otoritas atas dunia orang Papua, Van Eechoud memahami dengan baik keadaan-keadaan khusus yang dihadapinya. Dengan mempertimbangkan revolusi yang sementara berlangsung di wilayah-wilayah Hindia Belanda yang lain, Komisaris Van Eechoud mulai menciptakan kelompok elit Papua yang diharapkan dapat memimpin masyarakat mereka sendiri selama masa yang kompleks itu. Kebijakan pemerintahan ini dilakukan dengan dukungan sumberdaya yang lebih baik dibandingkan sebelumnya, dan terjadi sesudah penyerahan kedaulatan atas bagian Indonesia yang lain. Bab enam membahas perkembangan ini sampai sekitar tahun 1958. Dengan berbekal pengetahuan dan pengalaman yang diperoleh di wilayah yang sekarang bernama Indonesia, dilakukanlah sejumlah upaya untuk menciptakan suatu contoh koloni yang semakin dianggap oleh Belanda sebagai suatu kesatuan yang harus dipisahkan dari Indonesia.

Revolusi Indonesia dan penyerahan kedaulatan pada tanggal 27 Desember 1949 berpengaruh terhadap perkembangan di bagian barat New Guinea dan dalam dekade-dekade sesudahnya. Bab tiga menjelaskan dengan agak terinci tentang kebijakan yang diambil oleh Belanda mengenai peristiwa-peristiwa sejarah ini, dan hubungannya dengan New Guinea. Dalam bab ini juga dibahas bahwa konsep hak penentuan nasib sendiri adalah kunci kebijakan Belanda. Hak penentuan nasib sendiri dikembangkan pada awal Perang Dunia Kedua, khususnya oleh Amerika, sebagai salah satu tujuan perang. Hal tersebut adalah salah satu bentuk kebijakan emansipasi dalam bentuknya yang lebih awal, yang, menurut Belanda, diberlakukan di wilayah nusantara pada beberapa puluh tahun pertama abad ke-20. Perkembangan yang terjadi berbeda, karena pandangan yang berlaku waktu itu adalah bahwa belum saatnya kebijakan ini diberlakukan secara penuh. Keinginan untuk mempertahankan hubungan yang permanen – yaitu versi Belanda atas ambisi-ambisi imperial Eropa – juga merupakan salah satu penghalang diberlakukannya kebijakan ini. Sesudah tahun 1945, keenganan ini mulai satu per satu ditinggalkan. Di bawah kepemimpinan Letnan Gubernur Jenderal Van Mook, dicarilah jalan keluar dengan menggunakan perangkat hak penentuan nasib sendiri yang baru saja menjadi bagian dari Piagam Perserikatan Bangsa-bangsa. Pada waktu itu dibuat pembedaan antara hak menentukan nasib sendiri Indonesia secara keseluruhan, dan hak menentukan nasib sendiri daerah-daerah bagiannya. Hal ini tidak saja merupakan akibat dari kemajuan yang tidak merata dan perbedaan derajat revolusi yang terjadi di berbagai tempat di kepulauan nusantara, tetapi juga, dari sisi pandang Belanda, merupakan suatu instrumen siasat untuk menyalurkan revolusi itu ke arah yang dapat mereka terima. Hak penentuan nasib sendiri itu dengan demikian dibuat sesuai dengan kepentingan dan ambisi Belanda.

Hal ini kemudian menghasilkan sistem federalisme, yang kemudian, di dalam suatu hubungan yang lebih luas antara Belanda-Uni Indonesia dengan federasi Indonesia, memberikan ruang hak bagi daerah-daerah untuk menentukan posisi mereka sendiri. Kerangka struktur ini termuat dalam persetujuan Linggadjati antara Belanda dan Republik Indonesia. Konsepnya dimulai oleh kedua belah pihak pada bulan November 1946. Negara-negara bagian itu diberi nama, dan mereka diharapkan akan membentuk federasi. Tetapi tidak jelas apakah hal itu memang bisa terjadi atau tidak. Akibatnya, dalam pasal 3 perjanjian itu diatur bahwa apabila penduduk di suatu daerah menunjukkan secara `demokratis’ bahwa mereka masih belum mau mengikuti federasi, maka daerah tersebut akan diberikan hubungan khusus dengan Republik Indonesia Serikat dan Kerajaan Belanda.

Ketika draf tersebut dibahas oleh kabinet Belanda, diputuskan bahwa pengaturan yang terpisah akan dibuat untuk New Guinea, karena penduduknya dianggap masih belum mampu untuk menentukan nasib mereka sendiri. Proteksi Belanda masih dilanjutkan untuk waktu yang lebih lama. Anggapan bahwa orang-orang Papua belum dapat menentukan nasib mereka sendiri langsung menciptakan masalah, karena alasan itu tidak ditetapkan melalui cara-cara demokratis. Pasal 3 dengan demikian menciptakan masalah bagi dirinya sendiri. Pemerintah dan parlemen Belanda berupaya untuk meluruskan hal ini dengan cara memasukkannya langsung ke dalam persetujuan, tetapi ditolak oleh Indonesia. Karena kedua belah pihak membutuhkan, Perjanjian Linggadjati ditandatangani pada bulan Maret 1947, walaupun belum dicapai kesepakatan atas soal New Guinea.

Sesudah itu berlangsunglah konsultasi intensif antara Belanda dan Republik Indonesia, yang sempat terhenti oleh masa-masa konflik militer sampai pada akhir 1949. Salah satu masalah yang dipersoalkan adalah organisasi Negara Indonesia merdeka di waktu akan datang. Belanda terus berpegang pada konsep negara federal, sementara Republik, walaupun di atas kertas menyetujui konsep Belanda ini, dalam kenyataannya tidak mau melepas ide Negara Kesatuan. Selama perundingan-perundingan ini berlangsung, persoalan New Guinea selalu menjadi latar belakang. Alasan-alasan yang dikemukaan oleh Belanda tentang perlunya memberikan perlakuan khusus kepada New Guinea di antaranya adalah sangat rendahnya kemajuan, karakter nasional yang sama sekali berbeda, dan hampir tidak ada paham nasionalistis Indonesia di kalangan orang-orang Papua. Selain itu, alasan lain yang disampaikan adalah bahwa orang-orang Belanda yang lahir di Indonesia memerlukan tempat mereka sendiri di bawah cahaya matahari tropis di New Guinea, walaupun bendera Belanda sudah tidak lagi berkibar di seluruh kepulauan nusantara.

Komisaris van Eechoud, melalui konsultasi dengan kelompok-kelompok oposisi di Belanda, melihat kesempatan untuk tetap fokus pada posisi khusus wilayah yang telah dipercayakan kepadanya ini. Ia memanfaatkan dengan baik peluang-peluang pertambangan di New Guinea. Bab empat membahas tentang pentingnya hal-hal ini serta sejumlah alasan lain. Masing-masing alasan itu secara terpisah-pisah tidak cukup kuat sehingga mengandung resiko tidak tercapainya persetujuan Belanda dengan Republik. Tetapi kombinasi dari semua alasan itu terbukti cukup ampuh. Belanda memiliki posisi yang kuat selama Konferensi Meja Bundar (KMB) tahun 1949, dan New Guinea tidak dimasukkan dalam pengalihan ke Indonesia, sebagaimana tampak dalam Perjanjian Penyerahan Kedaulatan. Pasal 1 menyatakan bahwa Belanda menyerahkan secara penuh kedaulatan atas Indonesia kepada Republik Indonesia Serikat, sementara pasal 2 mengatur bahwa ‘status quo’ dari keresidenan New Guinea tidak akan berubah pada masa itu. Jalan keluar bagi persoalan ini diusahakan untuk dicapai dalam jangka waktu setahun.

Walaupun begitu, kata-kata yang digunakan tidak cukup tegas dan dapat ditafsirkan dalam beberapa cara. Sebagaimana akan tampak jelas kemudian, dan sebagaimana telah diduga oleh para ahli, Belanda membebani diri dengan banyak masalah. Reaksi berbagai pihak pada awalnya tidak terlalu pesimistis, karena mereka berharap bahwa jawaban terhadap masalah-masalah tersebut mungkin dapat diperoleh melalui hubungan erat antara Belanda-Uni Indonesia dengan federasi Indonesia. Tetapi, hal ini tidak pernah terjadi, karena federasi yang diharapkan itu dihapus oleh pihak-pihak di Indonesia enam bulan sesudah federasi tersebut dibentuk, dan tidak ada atau sangat sedikit keinginan Indonesia untuk membuat Uni berfungsi. Dalam keadaan seperti ini, tidak mungkin untuk merancang suatu pengaturan mengenai New Guinea yang diterima oleh semua pihak. Berbagai peristiwa yang terkait dengan hal ini dibahas dalam bab lima. Pemerintah Belanda berpegang pada penafsiran bahwa dalam naskah KMB hak Belanda tetap dijamin untuk melanjutkan pelaksanaan kedaulatan. Pemerintah Indonesia mengambil pandangan yang berbeda, dan menolak untuk bekerjasama melalui keputusan yang ditetapkan oleh Mahkamah Internasional. Indonesia kemudian mengambil posisi yang lebih mendasar, yaitu bahwa New Guinea telah dimasukkan ke dalam proklamasi kemerdekaan Indonesia pada tanggal 17 Agustus 1945, dan bahwa perundingan dengan Belanda hanya bisa dilakukan atas dasar kenyataan tersebut. Dengan demikian, perundingan yang akan dilakukan hanyalah tentang bagaimana kontrol atas New Guinea dialihkan kepada Indonesia, tetapi bukan tentang prinsip kedaulatan atau hak-hak orang-orang Papua. Karena keadaan seperti inilah, maka pembicaraan-pembicaraan selanjutnya antara Belanda dan Indonesia tidak menghasilkan apa-apa. Hal ini sebetulnya sudah dapat diketahui pada musim semi 1951, tetapi `paku terakhir yang ditancapkan ke dalam peti mati itu’ terjadi ketika konferensi di Jenewa gagal diselenggarakan pada akhir tahun 1955/awal tahun 1956. Penyebabnya adalah berbagai perkembangan internal Indonesia dan hubungan Indonesia dengan Belanda yang memburuk dengan begitu cepat. Pada bagian ini ditekankan tentang pernyataan yang sering dibuat oleh Belanda bahwa New Guinea bukanlah alasan terjadinya konflik, tetapi bahwa New Guinea selalu digunakan oleh pemerintah Indonesia untuk memperuncing masalah. Pernyataan Belanda ini sudah barang tentu tidak bisa mengingkari fakta bahwa New Guinea memang bagian dari konflik antara Belanda dan Indonesia. Tanpa New Guinea, sebagian fokus sengketa Belanda dan Indonesia sudah lama hilang.

Dalam pasal tujuh, perhatian diarahkan kepada perkembangan-perkembangan di Indonesia dan situasi internasional pada paruh kedua tahun-tahun limapuluhan. Berakhirnya pemberontakan daerah-daerah luar di Indonesia terhadap pemerintah pusat di Jakarta, dan gagalnya upaya Amerika untuk mengintervensi dengan mendukung para pemberontak, memiliki peranan yang besar terhadap berubahnya posisi Amerika Serikat. Sejak saat itu, Indonesia memperoleh lebih banyak dukungan internasional, dan dukungan internasional itu kemudian menjadi semakin intensif selama masa Perang Dingin. Semua perkembangan ini berujung pada perlombaan senjata di katulistiwa, karena baik Rusia maupun Amerika Serikat yang sementara mendukung sekutu masing-masing, berusaha saling mengalahkan dalam memberikan senjata kepada Indonesia, sepanjang sejumlah kondisi terpenuhi. Tekanan yang terus meningkat itu benar-benar mendesak Belanda. Dalam bab ini dibahas secara terpisah hubungan Amerika Serikat dan Belanda, yang menunjukkan bahwa pemerintah Amerika, sampai tahun 1960, masih siap untuk melancarkan sejumlah tekanan kepada pemerintah Indonesia agar tidak melakukan tindakan bermusuhan terhadap sekutu Amerika Serikat di Eropa ini. Dua Menteri Luar Negeri Amerika Serikat, yaitu Dulles dan Herter, berturut-turut memberikan kepastian kepada rekan mereka Menlu Belanda Luns dalam pernyataan-pernyataan yang agak umum, bahwa Belanda dapat mengandalkan bantuan Amerika dalam keadaan darurat. Dalam bagian ini ditunjukkan bahwa jaminan ini memang mempunyai arti yang penting, tetapi jaminan itu selalu dikalimatkan sedemikian rupa sehingga pemerintah Amerika Serikat sendirilah yang bebas untuk menentukan kapan ia akan memberikan bantuan, dan sejauh mana campur tangan itu akan dilakukan.

Dengan begitu banyak dukungan yang diberikan pada saat yang sama kepada Indonesia, kementerian luar negeri Amerika Serikat terpaksa berusaha memuaskan kedua belah pihak – suatu keadaan yang tidak gampang untuk dipertahankan. Pembahasan internal tentang kemungkinan adanya kebijakan alternatif dilangsungkan di Washington. Tindakan-tindakan Amerika yang saling bertentangan ini juga menimbulkan ketidakyakinan di Belanda, tetapi Menlu Luns dapat meyakinkan kabinet Belanda dengan secara teratur menginformasikan kabinet tentang jaminan-jaminan yang diberikan oleh Menlu Dulles maupun Herter itu. Walaupun begitu, kabinet Belanda telah belajar bahwa dukungan internasional hanya dapat diperoleh apabila Belanda sendiri mengambil langkah-langkah yang diperlukan. Hal ini kemudian berujung pada keputusan untuk mengirim kapal induk Karel Doorman pada tahun 1960 untuk memperkuat pertahanan New Guinea untuk sementara waktu. Selain membicarakan tentang sikap Amerika, di dalam bab ini juga dibahas tentang posisi Australia. Sebagai penguasa bagian timur New Guinea, dan sebagai tetangga Indonesia yang paling dekat, Australia memandang dirinya sebagai pihak yang terlibat secara erat dalam masalah ini untuk Belanda. Pemerintah Canberra umumnya berpihak pada Belanda, sebagaimana terlihat dari rencana-rencana kerjasama antarpermerintah. Walaupun begitu Australia menyadari bahwa ia tidak dapat mendukung Belanda apabila Amerika Serikat tidak memiliki pandangan yang sama tanpa syarat.

Bab delapan membahas pengucilan terhadap Indonesia, bagaimana Indonesia mempersenjatai diri, dan sikap setengah hati Washington yang mengakibatkan ketidakpastian di kalangan rakyat Belanda. Hal ini semakin diperkuat oleh perilaku Gereja Reformasi Belanda dan banyak oposisi terpisah yang dilakukan oleh wartawan Oltmans, pengusaha Rijkens, dan Profesor Duynstee dari Nijmegen. Lebih dari itu, momentum dekolonisasi juga semakin mantap secara internasional karena Belgia mundur tergesa-gesa dari Congo. Semua faktor ini secara bersama-sama memperlemah dukungan di Belanda terhadap kebijakan yang diambil oleh pemerintah pada waktu itu. Keadaan ini terjadi ketika Koalisi Merah-Katolik di bawah pemerintahan Perdana Menteri Drees mundur, dan diganti oleh koalisi tengah-kanan yang dipimpin oleh J. De Quay dari Partai Rakyat Katolik. Partai Demokratik Sosial menjadi oposisi, di mana para anggotanya secara bebas mengeritik kebijakan yang diambil pemerintah. Perdana Menteri yang baru, dan beberapa orang anggota kabinetnya, juga tidak terlalu yakin dengan efektivitas kebijakan itu. Tujuan kebijakan itu tidak ditinggalkan, tetapi cara-cara pencapaian yang lebih efektif harus dicari. Dalam kaitan ini, peranan penting diserahkan kepada Wakil Menteri Th. Bot, yang terlibat dalam KMB dan sesudahnya, dan yang memiliki ide untuk menginternasionalisasi pemerintahan New Guinea pada tahun 1950. Melalui cara ini ia berharap untuk memperoleh dukungan internasional terhadap kebijakan yang diambil oleh Belanda. Sesudah menjadi wakil Menteri dan diberikan tanggung jawab administratif khusus atas New Guinea, Bot mengangkat idenya kembali pada tahun 1960 dalam bentuk pembahasan-pembahasan dan pengembangan dokumen. Perdana Menteri De Quay bersedia untuk mempertimbangkan upaya-upaya Bot ini.

Awalnya, apa yang dikemukakan Bot berlawanan dengan yang diinginkan oleh Luns, tetapi sang Menteri tetap didesak untuk maju dengan gagasannya ini, walaupun tidak memperoleh dukungan penuh kabinet, dan karena ketidaksetujuan Amerika pada waktu itu terhadap pelayaran kapal induk Karel Doorman. Luns juga tidak menginginkan perang tanpa ada jaminan yang lebih kuat dari Amerika Serikat. Di Amerika Serikat sendiri tampil seorang presiden baru ke tampuk kekuasaan. Ia adalah John F Kennedy dari Partai Demokrat, dan waktu itu tidak jelas bagaimana kira-kira sikapnya terhadap persoalan New Guinea. Langkah-langkah awal tentang kemungkinan keterlibatan internasional secara terbatas mulai dibuat secara hati-hati pada tahun 1960. Satu tahun sesudahnya mulai dikembangkan Rencana Luns, kemudian diajukan ke Majelis Umum PBB. Rencana Luns ini berisi tawaran untuk menempatkan New Guinea di bawah pemerintahan internasional, dengan syarat bahwa Indonesia tidak terlibat di dalamnya. Walaupun begitu, rencana ini ditarik kembali karena pembicaraan-pembicaraan awal di Majelis Umum menunjukkan bahwa rencana ini terlalu jauh untuk dibicarakan oleh Majelis. Pada umumnya para anggota berpendapat bahwa Belanda harus berdialog terlebih dahulu dengan Indonesia. Segera sesudah pertemuan itu berakhir, Presiden Sukarno mengumumkan bahwa ia sementara mempersiapkan komando operasi yang bertugas untuk menduduki New Guinea dengan kekuatan bersenjata. Hal ini berarti bahwa Belanda berada di bawah tekanan beberapa pihak sekaligus. Sesudah melakukan serangkaian diskusi yang cermat tentang kemungkinan-kemungkinan yang bisa terjadi dan tujuan-tujuan yang ingin dicapai, dengan terpaksa Belanda mengumumkan pada tanggal 2 Januari 1962 bahwa Belanda bersedia untuk melibatkan Indonesia dalam pembicaraan-pembicaraan mengenai masa depan New Guinea. Hal ini juga berarti bahwa Belanda akan langsung berhadapan dengan asumsi bahwa Indonesia telah memiliki kedaulatan atas wilayah tersebut sejak tahun 1945, sehingga hal-hal yang perlu didiskusikan hanyalah tinggal bagaimana penyerahan kedaulatan itu dilakukan.

Kemajuan negosiasi antara Belanda dan Indonesia di bawah tekanan Amerika, dan ancaman tindakan militer Indonesia, dibahas dalam bab sembilan. Pertama, ada kurun waktu di mana masing-masing pihak saling bertahan dan tidak mau mundur dari posisi masing-masing. Luns menunjukkan bahwa ia siap untuk berbicara, tetapi dengan sejumlah syarat. Salah satu faktor penting yang mempengaruhi sikapnya ini adalah karena ia berharap bahwa Indonesia akan runtuh entah secara politik atau militer selama masa perundingan, sehingga sesudah itu ia dapat mempengaruhi Amerika untuk mengambil posisi yang lebih menguntungkan Belanda. Untuk memastikan bahwa Belanda siap menghadapi semua kemungkinan, sistem pertahanannya di New Guinea semakin diperkuat. Tetapi, apa yang terjadi ternyata tidak sesuai dengan harapan Luns. Pemerintahan Kennedy ternyata tidak banyak memberikan harapan untuk memperkuat pertahanan Belanda di New Guinea. Sebaliknya, Kennedy bahkan menekan Belanda secara politik. Juga menjadi jelas bahwa justru Indonesialah yang mampu meningkatkan kekuatan militernya. Laporan-laporan intelijen menunjukkan bahwa Indonesia akan siap untuk mengirim sejumlah besar angkatan bersenjata ke New Guinea pada pertengahan tahun 1962. Pada bulan April, kebuntuan ini dapat dipecahkan oleh suatu usulan Amerika Serikat yang telah lama dikembangkan di Kementerian Luar Negeri. Usulan ini dikenal dengan nama Rencana Bunker, di mana New Guinea akan diserahkan ke Indonesia melalui suatu masa singkat pemerintahan PBB. Persoalan tentang bagaimana seharusnya Belanda menanggapi usulan Amerika Serikat ini mengakibatkan kabinet Belanda terpecah. Sesudah pembicaraan yang berlangsung cukup lama, pemerintah Belanda menyetujui rencana ini sebagai titik awal negosiasi dengan Indonesia, walaupun mereka akan berupaya untuk tetap memperjuangkan hak penentuan nasib sendiri orang-orang Papua sejauh mungkin.

Drama ini berakhir dengan ditandatanganinya Persetujuan New York pada tanggal 15 Agustus 1962, yang berisi kurang lebih mengenai suatu pengaturan tentang penyerahan kekuasaan sesegera mungkin kepada PBB, yang kemudian dilanjutkan dengan penyerahan ke Indonesia beberapa waktu kemudian. Sebagai konsesi, seperti yang diharapkan oleh Belanda, suatu Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas (Act of Free Choice) akan dilakukan sebelum akhir tahun 1969, yaitu melalui cara di mana orang-orang Papua akan memilih apakah mereka ingin tetap bersama Indonesia atau tidak. Persetujuan New York ini, sama seperti semua kesepakatan yang dibuat sebelumnya dengan Indonesia, adalah suatu dokumen yang pengkalimatannya dibuat kabur untuk sejumlah hal prinsip, sehingga merugikan Belanda. Hal ini merupakan cermin dari lemahnya posisi tawar Belanda. Ketidakpastian ini khususnya mengenai berapa lama transisi berlangsung, dan jaminan mengenai pelaksanaan referendum yang diterima secara internasional. Tanggung jawab mengenai hal yang disebutkan terakhir ini diserahkan sepenuhnya kepada Indonesia, dan PBB hanya memiliki tugas untuk membantu apabila Indonesia memintanya. Kekaburan ini sebetulnya ada manfaatnya juga bagi Belanda, karena dengan begitu Belanda dapat menghibur diri dengan mengatakan bahwa ia telah berusaha berbuat yang terbaik bagi orang-orang Papua. Pendapat seperti ini selalu disampaikan oleh Belanda dengan bersemangat kepada dunia luar dalam berbagai kesempatan. Tetapi, di dalam negeri semua orang tahu bahwa bukan seperti itu keadaannya. Ketika persetujuan itu ditandatangani pada tanggal 15 Agustus 1962, Dewan Menteri Belanda kecewa dengan hasilnya yang jelek itu, sementara Luns secara terbuka mengeritik pemerintah Amerika Serikat.

Bab-bab akhir dari buku ini membahas tentang kejadian-kejadian di New Guinea. Di sela-sela pemaparan tersebut, dibahas juga mengenai berbagai perkembangan internasional dan bagaimana reaksi di Belanda. Bab 10 membahas tentang tahun-tahun terakhir pemerintahan Belanda di New Guinea. Sesudah Bot menduduki jabatannya, berbagai upaya dilakukan untuk mempercepat pendidikan bagi orang-orang Papua. Akibatnya mereka bisa terlibat sebagai faktor politik. Dewan-dewan daerah dibentuk untuk masing-masing wilayah, dan Dewan New Guinea dibentuk untuk seluruh New Guinea. Melalui panggung-panggung politik ini sejumlah kecil orang-orang Papua mampu mengembangkan inisiatif-inisiatif baru untuk masa depan politik mereka dan memperkenalkan diri kepada publik Belanda. Bab 11 menjelaskan perkembangan ini. Melalui inisiatif-inisiatif dimaksud, orang-orang Papua mengembangkan organisasi-organisasi mereka sendiri. Di dalam pernyataan-pernyataan yang mereka buat, tampak bahwa mereka dengan penuh semangat memperjuangkan hak penentuan nasib sendiri. Dalam pada itu, mereka juga mengindikasikan harapan mereka kepada Belanda untuk tidak meninggalkan mereka dahulu. Kemerdekaan serta merta adalah hal paling terakhir yang mereka inginkan. Sikap mereka terhadap Indonesia pada umumnya sangat hati-hati, walaupun ada sejumlah pengecualian.

Secara umum, sikap ini mencerminkan kebijakan yang diambil oleh pemerintah Belanda. Sikap ini diarahkan untuk mencapai kemerdekaan yang lebih luas, tetapi dikembangkan dalam konteks konflik yang begitu agresif dengan Indonesia. Pokok-pokok kunci dari kebijakan ini adalah pembentukan Dewan New Guinea pada bulan April 1961, yang diikuti dengan penetapan bendera dan lagu pada tahun yang sama. Pembentukan Dewan New Guinea dilakukan dengan persiapan yang cermat dengan tujuan agar badan politik ini memiliki tingkat keterwakilan sebaik mungkin. Penetapan Bendera dan Lagu berlangsung lebih cepat. Inisiatif berasal sepenuhnya dari pihak orang-orang Papua, tetapi kemudian diterima oleh penguasa Belanda. Dan secara mengejutkan bendera dan lagu itu dengan cepat disahkan dalam suatu ordinansi. Harus diingat, bahwa peristiwa ini terjadi ketika Luns berusaha, namun gagal, untuk menjual idenya itu kepada PBB. Pengibaran bendera pertama kali dilakukan pada tanggal 1 Desember 1961, yang disambut dengan sukacita di mana-mana. Orang-orang Papua di bagian barat New Guinea ini sekarang memiliki simbol identitas mereka sendiri yang diterima secara meluas. Tidak saja Papua yang memiliki pemahaman seperti itu, tetapi juga Jakarta. Soekarno memandang pengibaran bendera itu sebagai penolakan langsung terhadap proklamasi 1945, dan pasti merupakan awal pembentukan negara Papua. Pidato Trikora yang dikumandangkannya, di mana ia mengumumkan serangan ke New Guinea, bertujuan untuk menghantam perkembangan ini.

Di dalam bab ini pula ditunjukkan bahwa penafsiran sebagaimana dimaksud itu ditolak oleh Belanda. Bendera yang dikibarkan itu dianggap sebagai bendera daerah, bukan dalam pengertian sebagai bendera negara baru. Keputusan akhir mengenai hal ini haruslah sepenuhnya diserahkan kepada orang-orang Papua melalui hak penentuan nasib sendiri. Bahkan, menjadi sangat jelas pada waktu itu bahwa perundingan dengan Indonesia tidak bisa dihindari, dan bahwa hal ini lebih baik segera diberitahukan kepada orang-orang Papua. Dalam kenyataannya hal ini memang dilakukan, walaupun sulit bagi Belanda untuk menyampaikan hal tersebut secara terbuka dan lugas, terutama karena begitu banyak orang Papua yang tidak menyukai gagasan ini. Selama jangka waktu bertahun-tahun, Indonesia telah dipandang sebagai musuh – musuh yang tidak saja membuat komentar negatif tentang apa yang terjadi di Papua, tetapi juga musuh yang terus menerus memprovokasi keadaan dengan penyusupan-penyusupan militer yang harus dihalau oleh Belanda dengan bantuan polisi Papua. Dari akhir tahun 1961, tingkah laku Jakarta, baik dalam bentuk kata-kata maupun perbuatan, jelas tampak sebagai ancaman. Sulit sekali untuk bersikap netral secara tegas dalam keadaan seperti ini. Walaupun begitu, para elit Papua akhirnya menyadari tentang pentingnya bersikap seperti itu. Ketika menjadi jelas pada tanggal 15 Agustus 1962, bahwa hari-hari pemerintahan Belanda akan segera berakhir, dilangsungkanlah pembicaraan yang intensif di kalangan para elit Papua ini tentang posisi mereka. Tujuan utama masih tetap berupa penentuan nasib sendiri, tetapi untuk itu harus dicapai hubungan yang baik dengan Indonesia. Oleh karena itu, kami mengemukakan pada bagian akhir bab sebelas, bahwa lapisan teratas masyarakat Papua, walaupun jumlahnya sedikit dan baru dalam tahap awal perkembangan, memiliki pemahaman yang mengagumkan tentang realitas ini. Pada awal bulan September, kongres Papua yang diselenggarakan secara cepat memutuskan untuk menerima konsekuensi dari persetujuan ini. Mereka yang hadir dalam kongres itu menerima kedatangan Indonesia, tetapi juga memutuskan untuk tetap berpegang pada Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas yang termaktub dalam Persetujuan New York.

Dalam Pasal 12 kami membahas tentang kurun waktu New Guinea di bawah bendera PBB dan tahun-tahun pertama di bawah pemerintahan Indonesia, mulai dari tahun 1962. Pemerintahan PBB tidak memiliki kekuasaan sebagaimana yang seharusnya. Mereka tidak memiliki kemauan dan keahlian untuk menjalankan masa peralihan itu secara netral dalam pengertian yang sebenar-benarnya. Walaupun begitu, PBB mampu mengorganisir mundurnya pemerintahan Belanda dan mengalihkan tugas-tugas tersebut ke pihak Indonesia yang menggantikan Belanda. Pada awalnya, para pejabat dan polisi Papua menyelenggarakan banyak dari tugas-tugas ini, terutama pada tingkat pemerintahan lokal. Pada saat yang sama, para petugas pemerintah dan serdadu Indonesia masuk dalam jumlah yang jauh lebih besar dari yang direncanakan, dan secara cepat mengambil alih kontrol. Secara terbuka mereka menekan orang-orang Papua untuk berpihak kepada Indonesia, termasuk untuk melupakan impian penentuan nasib sendiri. Lebih dari itu, tanda-tanda pertama tindakan kekerasan oleh militer Indonesia segera terlihat. Hal ini terus mewarnai tindakan pemerintahan yang baru ini dalam dekade-dekade selanjutnya. Kegagalan ekonomi terjadi secara cepat bersama-sama dengan menurunnya kepastian hukum, serta hilangnya hak-hak masyarakat sipil di semua bidang. Selain itu, semua yang terkait dengan Belanda dihancurkan secara sistematis, dan digantikan dengan paham-paham Indonesia sesuai dengan demokrasi terpimpin. Hal ini mengakibatkan semakin meningkatnya reaksi negatif orang-orang Papua. Daerah pedalaman Manokwari, khususnya, terus menerus melawan sejak tahun 1965, yang kemudian diperangi dengan tindakan militer yang keras. Jumlah korban dengan cepat meningkat menjadi ribuan.

Pada awalnya orang-orang Papua yang paling sadar politik menggantungkan harapan pada Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas. Tetapi, ternyata Indonesia hanya menunjukkan sedikit sekali minat untuk melaksanakan Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas ini secara benar. Sikap Jakarta berubah ketika Soeharto memegang tampuk kekuasaan sebagai presiden Indonesia yang baru. Ketika ia mulai memerintah, negara dalam keadaan kacau dan ekonomi porak poranda, sementara ia sangat memerlukan kredit internasional. Untuk itu, Indonesia harus memperoleh respek internasional. Indonesia harus menunjukkan bahwa ia mampu untuk patuh kepada ketentuan-ketentuan internasional. Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas, yang merupakan bagian terakhir dari Persetujuan New York, menawarkan kesempatan itu. Walaupun begitu, presiden yang baru ini memberikan syarat bahwa satu-satunya hasil yang bisa diterimanya adalah keputusan yang berpihak pada Indonesia.

Proses ini dimulai pada tahun 1968 dengan kedatangan Ortiz Sanz, yang dalam kapasitasnya sebagai wakil Sekjen PBB harus membantu Indonesia melaksanakan Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas. Hal ini dibahas dalam bab 13. Awalnya Ortiz Sanz bersemangat dan berharap bahwa ia akan mampu untuk menyelenggarakan suatu referendum yang kredibel sesuai dengan standar-standar internasional. Harapannya itu diperkukuh dengan sikap Menlu Adam Malik yang baru saja mengunjungi New Guinea, dan yang sesudah kembali dari kunjungannya itu berhasil didesak untuk mengakui bahwa ada masalah salah-kelola yang serius. Malik menegaskan bahwa ia ingin agar keadaan tersebut diperbaiki, tidak saja dalam hal pemerintahan tetapi juga dalam hal bagaimana seharusnya Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas dilaksanakan. Walaupun begitu, keinginan Menlu Adam Malik ini dibatasi oleh presiden.

Yang terjadi adalah kekecewaan pahit bagi Ortiz Sanz. Karena tekanan Indonesia, Tim PBB yang dipimpin sangat kecil jumlahnya. Sesudah tiba di New Guinea pada bulan September 1968, ia dibanjiri oleh berbagai petisi dari orang Papua yang memrotes salah-urus yang dibuat oleh Indonesia di semua bidang. Ia menanggapi dengan serius protes-protes ini dan meneruskannya ke mitra Indonesianya, Sudjarwo Tjondronegoro, dan meminta Sudjarwo mengambil tindakan. Sudjarwo menganggap hal ini sebagai intervensi yang tidak perlu, yang berarti bahwa hubungan mereka sudah jelek dari awal. Indonesia menolak tentang bentuk referendum yang disarankan oleh Ortiz Sanz, dan sebaliknya memilih sistem musyawarah yang disebut sebagai tradisi Indonesia. Istilah ini, yang pada awalnya hanya menyangkut satu onderdil dari persetujuan New York, sekarang menjadi prinsip utama dari keseluruhan referendum. Di dalam sistem ini, yang dimungkinkan hanyalah keputusan kolektif, atas dasar persyaratan konsensus yang sempurna.

Bab 14 membahas tentang pembentukan dewan-dewan musyawarah, dan juga pelaksanaan Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas yang berlangsung sesudah itu. Ortiz Sans tidak diizinkan untuk memainkan peranan apa pun dalam pembentukan dewan, dan diberikan peranan yang sekecil mungkin dalam implementasi referendum itu sendiri. Kejadian-kejadian yang dibahas dalam bab ini didasarkan atas laporan para diplomat dan wartawan – yaitu mereka yang hadir dan/atau mengamati berbagai bagian dari proses itu. Orang-orang Papua yang terlibat dalam pelaksanaan Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas juga menyampaikan laporan mereka. Laporan-laporan dari PBB dan pemerintah Indonesia digunakan pula. Menurut pendapat para pengamat Barat dan orang-orang Papua yang bersuara mengenai hal ini, Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas berakhir dengan kepalsuan, sementara sekelompok pemilih yang berada di bawah tekanan luar biasa tampaknya memilih secara mutlak untuk mendukung Indonesia.

Pelaksanaan Tindakan Pilihan Bebas ini diawasi dari New York oleh pejabat-pejabat tinggi PBB. Jarang sekali mereka memberikan tekanan kepada rencana dan praktek-praktek Indonesia, demikian pula Den Haag dan Washington. Di Den Haag, Menteri Luns, yang masih aktif sebagai Menlu, berpendapat bahwa Belanda mengaku memiliki tanggung jawab moral, tetapi menurut teks persetujuan New York, Belanda tidak punya alasan untuk bertindak. Tindakan Belanda hanya terbatas pada memahami perilaku Indonesia tetapi hal ini tidak pernah disampaikan secara terbuka. Sementara itu, arus di Den Haag telah berbalik dan semua harapan sekarang terpaku pada kerjasama yang baik dengan Indonesia. Walaupun begitu Majelis Rendah memberikan tekanan kepada pemerintah untuk berupaya agar mendukung referendum terbuka bagi orang-orang Papua. Tekanan ini menghasilkan pertemuan antara menteri-menteri Indonesia dan Belanda di Roma pada bulan Mei 1969. Dalam suatu pernyataan sesudah pertemuan itu, para menteri Belanda mencatat pendekatan Indonesia, dan menyampaikan harapan bahwa akan ada kesepakatan penuh antara pemerintah Indonesia dan Sekjen PBB tentang pelaksanaan referendum. Malik, Luns dan Udink mengumumkan bahwa mereka akan bekerjasama dalam rangka pembangunan New Guinea. Deklarasi Roma ini menyungguhkan asumsi dasar yang telah diterapkan sampai kepada tahapan ini, yaitu bahwa PBB pada akhirnya harus sepaham dengan Indonesia tentang pendekatan yang akan digunakan. Hal ini mengakibatkan Ortiz Sanz tidak mempunyai pijakan sama sekali untuk mempengaruhi arah berbagai kejadian di New Guinea.

Laporan akhir Sekjen PBB seluruhnya didasarkan pada laporan Ortiz Sanz tentang peranannya dalam pelaksanaan Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas. Laporan ini hanya berisi kritik yang lemah terhadap oposisi dari pihak Indonesia. Atas dasar ini, U Thant tidak bisa berbuat lain kecuali menyimpulkan bahwa suatu (an dalam bahasa Inggris, penerjemah) Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas telah dilaksanakan. Ia tidak bisa menggunakan kata depan yang tegas (seperti the dalam bahasa Inggris, penerjemah), karena nilai-nilai proses itu jauh di bawah standar yang diatur dalam persetujuan New York. Walaupun dapat ditafsirkan sebagai suatu penilaiain yang mencibir, tetapi ada pihak-pihak yang justru mengabaikan pengkalimatan yang tidak jelas dalam persetujuan New York itu.

Babak terakhir dari keseluruhan proses ini terjadi pada bulan Oktober dan November 1969 dalam Majelis Umum PBB, di mana Belanda dan Indonesia bekerjasama mengarahkan laporan Sekretaris Jenderal PBB dalam pertemuan itu. Amerika Serikat juga membantu. Walaupun secara pragmatis Amerika Serikat lebih bertanggung jawab terhadap keseluruhan tahapan yang berakibat dengan penandatanganan Persetujuan New York dan sesudah itu Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas, tetapi Amerika Serikat, sebagaimana Belanda, berlindung di belakang PBB. Sekelompok negara-negara Afrika melancarkan kritiknya, yaitu mereka yang sejak tahun 1961 telah bersimpati terhadap persoalan-persoalan Papua. Tetapi apa yang mereka lakukan ini tidak banyak artinya. Amandemen yang mereka sampaikan kepada Majelis Umum PBB yang mendesak supaya suatu referendum dilaksanakan dalam beberapa tahun mendatang ditolak oleh mayoritas anggota dalam suatu pemungutan suara. Hasilnya adalah bahwa Majelis Umum PBB menerima resolusi yang disampaikan secara bersama-sama oleh Belanda dan Indonesia, dan di dalamnya dinyatakan bahwa Majelis mencatat/mengetahui adanya laporan tersebut, dengan 30 anggota abstain dan tidak ada yang menolak. `Masalah New Guinea’ dengan demikian telah diselesaikan sesuai dengan persetujuan New York dan dapat dikeluarkan dari agenda PBB.

Akhirnya, dibahas di dalam buku ini perdebatan-perdebatan akhir di parlemen Belanda baik pada tahun 1962 maupun 1969. Perdebatan ini dilakukan sesudah persetujuan New York ditandatangani dan sesudah Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas dilakukan. Di dalam kedua perdebatan itu persoalan kedaulatan dibicarakan – masalah yang telah memecah Indonesia dan Belanda sejak tahun 1950. Hal ini tidak dicantumkan sama sekali di dalam persetujuan New York. Sesudah persetujuan itu dilakukan, semua pihak berpendapat bahwa proses penyelesaian akhir di PBB adalah juga fase terakhir dari pengalihan kedaulatan. Hal ini setidak-tidaknya telah berlangsung secara secara de-facto, kalau tidak bahkan secara de-jure. Hal ini secara empatis ditekankan oleh pemerintah Belanda baik pada tahun 1962 maupun 1969 dalam sejumlah pernyataan di muka parlemen. Sejalan dengan itu, ketika Majelis Umum telah mencatat laporan akhir Sekretaris Jenderal PBB tentang rampungnya tahap terakhir dari persetujuan New York, hal ini menandai pula berakhirnya konflik mengenai kedaulatan atas New Guinea bagian Barat. Hal ini tidaklah berarti bahwa Belanda kemudian tidak terlibat lagi. Belanda dan Indonesia berjanji untuk bekerjasama membangun New Guinea bagian Barat. Pemerintah Belanda mengambil sikap, baik sebelum dan sesudah Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas, bahwa Belanda dapat melakukan sesuatu bagi bekas daerah jajahannya itu hanya melalui kerjasama efektif dengan Indonesia.

Hal-hal yang dikemukakan ini adalah ringkasan dari isi, dan kesimpulan-kesimpulan utama yang ditarik dari penelitian ini. Berakhirnya Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas berarti dimulainya pemerintahan Indonesia yang diterima secara penuh oleh masyarakat internasional. Kekuatiran bahwa akan terjadi pemberontakan meluas di Papua ternyata tidak terbukti. Walaupun begitu, ketidakpuasan terus berlangsung. Pada tahun 1971, gerakan perlawanan militan OPM memproklamasikan kemerdekaan. Perlawanan ini ditangani dengan keras, dan dalam keadaan bagaimana pun tetap merupakan gejala marjinal. Irian Barat, sekarang disebut Irian Jaya (Irian berkemenangan), ditetapkan sebagai provinsi otonom di bawah tanggung jawab Departemen Dalam Negeri. Dalam kenyataannya, situasi di daerah ini tetap seperti pada tahun 1963 – suatu daerah di bawah pemerintahan militer yang jauh dari berhasil, yang terus menunjukkan keadaan seperti pada periode sebelumnya. Tekanan-tekanan budaya yang dilancarkan ternyata juga tidak berhasil. Tidak ada toleransi bagi kritik atau oposisi, dan hukuman yang dijatuhkan sangat berat. Sulit untuk memperkirakan berapa banyak korban yang telah jatuh karena keadaan ini. Angka sampai sejauh puluhan ribu telah disebut-sebut.

Sebuah studi hukum yang dilakukan oleh Universitas Yale pada tahun 2003 melaporkan fakta-fakta yang begitu serius sehingga membuat mereka menggunakan istilah genosida untuk menggambarkan keadaan yang terjadi. Hal ini berimplikasi bahwa menurut kelompok peneliti ini perilaku pemerintah Indonesia adalah dalam rangka memusnahkan orang-orang Papua. Dalam laporan ini ada juga kesangsian apakah tepat menggunakan istilah ini. Dan, menurut kami, kesangsian itu ada benarnya, yaitu dalam pengertian bahwa kesimpulan seperti ini tidak seharusnya dibuat oleh kelompok peneliti itu. Tentu saja kejahatan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintahan Indonesia sebagaimana yang dikemukakan oleh mereka adalah fakta sebenarnya. Hal ini telah nyata sebagaimana yang kami kemukakan sejak tahun pertama pemerintah Indonesia di New Guinea. Menurut laporan-laporan orang-orang Papua yang memiliki pemahaman tentang apa yang terjadi, setiap hari pasti ada paling tidak ada satu orang yang tewas atau yang diperlakukan secara kejam. Lebih dari itu, Indonesia mulai menggunakan kawasan New Guinea dalam skala yang jauh lebih besar dibandingkan sebelumnya, untuk menampung banjir penduduk Indonesia yang tumbuh begitu cepat. Dalam kaitan ini keadaan orang-orang Papua menjadi lebih jelek. Selama proses ini, tanah mereka semakin banyak yang dirampas, demikian pula kesempatan kerja diambil oleh masyarakat pendatang. Hal ini juga terjadi di bagian lain di Indonesia, tetapi yang paling opresif adalah di Irian Barat. Kota-kota Irian Barat menjadi sama seperti kota-kota Indonesia lainnya: padat dan kotor.

Di sisi positif, penduduk Papua yang sebelumnya cenderung stabil dan bertumbuh secara lambat, meningkat lebih dari 50 persen di bawah pemerintahan Indonesia. Lebih dari itu, pemerintah Indonesia terus mendukung pendidikan, tidak saja melalui badan-badan pemerintah, tetapi juga melalui lembaga-lembaga gereja. Ini berarti bahwa pendidikan generasi muda Papua terus meningkat. Lebih dari itu, lebih banyak kontak yang terjadi dengan bagian Indonesia yang lain melalui kontak dengan para pendatang baru, melalui media, dan melalui kunjungan perorangan ke pulau-pulau lain di Indonesia – hal-hal ini semua memperluas cakrawala orang-orang Papua. Walaupun begitu, mengintegrasikan orang-orang Papua ke dalam negara Indonesia tetap menjadi masalah. Para pejabat yang memperoleh pendidikan pada masa pemerintahan Belanda umumnya tetap berada pada tingkatan bawah. Kedatangan pemerintah Indonesia mengakhiri struktur formal profesional badan-badan pemerintah, di mana pendidikan terkait erat dengan pengembangan karir. Sekarang, penempatan pada jabatan tergantung pada pertemanan dan koneksi, dan hal ini berarti yang kalah adalah orang-orang Papua. Pendanaan untuk membiayai pemerintahan juga tidak memadai, hal mana berarti bahwa para pejabat pemerintah harus mencari tambahan pendapatan sendiri secara lokal. Hal ini juga terjadi pada militer, yang diperkirakan hanya menerima 30 persen pendanaan dari negara. Selain itu, perlu ditambahkan pula bahwa Irian Barat bukanlah, dan tidak pernah, merupakan lokasi penempatan yang disukai, sehingga sejumlah besar pejabat Indonesia meninggalkan tempat ini.

Jelas bahwa sistem ini mengakibatkan terjadinya berbagai macam pelanggaran. Kesempatan bagi orang Papua untuk maju sangat terbatas. Frans Kaisiepo pensiun pada tahun 1973. Selanjutnya, Izaak Hindom menjadi Gubernur Papua pada tahun 1982. Tetapi, kehadirannya pun tidak banyak berpengaruh terhadap perubahan kesetimbangan kekuasaan. Termasuk pula tidak tampak orang-orang Papua yang masuk ke dalam dunia bisnis, walaupun bisnis di Papua berkembang. Begitu Tindakan Pemilihan Bebas telah dilangsungkan, penambangan minyak dimulai kembali dan tembaga yang ditemukan di pegunungan Carstensz sebelum perang dapat dieksploitasi oleh Freeport, sebuah perusahaan pertambangan Amerika, di bawah kondisi pemerintahan Soeharto yang lebih stabil. Pertambangan ini merupakan sumber pendapatan yang besar bagi keuangan Indonesia, dan bagi elit di Jakarta, sejauh para elit itu terlibat dalam pengelolaan dan administrasi pusat perusahaan tersebut. Walaupun begitu, efek positif pertambangan bagi ekonomi lokal tetap tidak bermakna; bahkan yang terjadi adalah dampak negatif dalam bentuk pencemaran lingkungan dan kerugian yang jauh lebih besar. Penduduk Papua adalah kelompok yang paling miskin di Indonesia.

Integrasi mental dan organisasional ke dalam negara Indonesia tidak tercapai. Ketika arus reformasi tiba pada tahun 1998 dan rejim Soeharto berakhir, timbullah kevakuman kekuasaan di mana penduduk New Guinea, sekali lagi, dapat berbicara dengan bebas, dan selama jangka waktu tertentu masalah-masalah yang terjadi di daerah tersebut dapat disampaikan secara jelas kepada dunia luar. Satu hal yang pasti adalah: Indonesia tidak berhasil memenangkan hati orang-orang Papua. Dalam pada itu kesadaran nasional orang-orang Papua meningkat dengan tajam. Dengan disiplin mereka sendiri, para tokoh Papua dalam organisasi gereja maupun di masyarakat mampu mengelola keadaan ini sehingga kerusuhan dapat dicegah, bahkan mampu membawa suara orang Papua untuk didengar oleh pemerintah Indonesia dan dunia melalui cara yang terhormat namun tegas. Hasilnya adalah bahwa dalam kunjungan ke Jayapura pada hari tahun baru tahun 2000, Presiden Indonesia Abdurrachman Wahid berjanji untuk meningkatkan pemerintahan, dan setuju bahwa nama Irian Jaya, yang dipandang sebagai lambang dominasi Indonesia, dapat diubah menjadi Papua. Ini adalah salah satu titik kunci dalam urutan kejadian yang kami gunakan untuk memulai penulisan buku ini. Sejak saat itu, jarum jam, dalam banyak hal, telah diputar kembali. Walaupun begitu, Papua masih tetap menanti sejumlah janji, yang terkandung dalam otonomi luas, ditepati dengan benar. Hal ini bukanlah persoalan sepihak, dan apa tanggapan orang-orang Papua sangat tergantung pada sejauh mana janji-jani itu ditepati. Salah satu persyaratan penting adalah kemerdekaan berpendapat dan bergerak. Hal ini langsung mengingatkan kami kepada kata-kata Menlu Adam Malik, yang mengumumkan secara terbuka pada saat ia berkunjung ke New Guinea pada tahun 1966 bahwa tentara harus ditarik terlebih dahulu sebelum masyarakat Papua dapat membangun. Tetapi yang terjadi adalah sejak Adam Malik mengemukakan kata-kata ini, tekanan yang dilakukan oleh tentara dan polisi terhadap penduduk justru semakin meningkat.

Buku ini menceritakan tentang masuknya penduduk New Guinea ke dalam masa modern. Belanda bertindak sebagai perantara dalam proses ini sampai tahun 1962. Oleh karena itu banyak perhatian dalam penelitian ini yang diarahkan pada tujuan-tujuan dari kebijakan Belanda. Awalnya, tujuan kebijakan Belanda itu bersifat strategis: menetapkan batas timur dari pengaruh kekuasaan Batavia. Dengan menciptakan pusat-pusat pemerintahan yang pertama di tahun 1898, Belanda maju selangkah. Pada tahap ini tujuan yang ingin dicapai, dengan meminjam kata-kata Komisaris Plate, adalah `untuk mengubah orang-orang liar menjadi manusia beradab.’ Istilah yang digunakan cocok dengan gagasan Belanda sebagai penjaga/pembina, yang begitu berpengaruh pada saat itu. Belanda bertugas mendidik mereka yang berada di bawah pemerintahannya. Sesudah pemerintahan Belanda dimulai di New Guinea, masyarakat yang bermukim di daerah pesisir, secara perlahan namun pasti, mulai berada di bawah pengaruh dunia modern. Hal ini menjadi lebih penting dalam konteks dekolonisasi. Secara lebih terbuka, dan dengan menggunakan bahasa modern, langkah ke arah penentuan nasib sendiri menjadi tujuan utama kebijakan Belanda dalam kaitannya dengan New Guinea mulai dari tahun 1945 ke depan. Upaya-upaya untuk mencapai hal ini semakin intensif dilakukan sesudah tahun 1950. Tidak dimasukkannya New Guinea ke dalam pengalihan kedaulatan pada tahun 1950 berakibat adanya 12 tahun tambahan bagi pemerintahan Belanda untuk memerintah New Guinea. Selama masa 12 tahun itu banyak hal telah dilakukan bagi kawasan ini dan bagi rakyatnya. Dunia orang Papua pada tahun 1962 sangat berbeda dengan pada tahun 1950, apalagi bila dibandingkan dengan tahun 1900. Pembangunan yang luas telah berlangsung, dan masyarakat kelas menengah yang kecil namun memiliki kaliber tinggi telah terbentuk. Mereka ini, apabila diberikan kesempatan, mampu untuk memimpin masyarakatnya secara bersama-sama dalam jangka panjang. Di bawah rejim Indonesia, perkembangan ini berlangsung tetapi tanpa memberikan kesempatan kepada para elit ini untuk memegang peranan sebagai pemimpin dan pembina sebagaimana harapan ketika mereka dibentuk.

Sebagai poin terakhir, bisa saja diperdebatkan bahwa lebih baik untuk melakukan penyerahan kedaulatan atas New Guinea pada tahun 1950. Memang masyarakat Papua akan berkembang lebih lambat, tetapi melalui pengaruh misi gereja, yang juga tetap dapat melakukan karya mereka di bagian Indonesia yang lain, arah yang diikuti akan sama saja. Kecurigaan dan permusuhan, yang tetap menjadi ciri hubungan orang-orang Papua dan Indonesia sampai hari ini, mungkin tidak terjadi. Argumen ini memang menarik, tetapi tidak adil apabila diterapkan terhadap berbagai kerja keras untuk membangun New Guinea dari tahun 1950 sampai 1962. Bahkan, terlalu gampang untuk mengasumsikan bahwa perpecahan antara Indonesia dan Belanda mungkin dapat dihindari. Semua hal ini tidak jelas. Sentimen anti-amberi sudah sangat kuat pada tahun 1950, dan sikap negatif orang Indonesia kepada orang Papua pun sudah kuat pada saat itu. Pengalihan kedaulatan secara cepat tidak akan menghalangi terbentuknya rejim militer, termasuk pula tidak akan menghalangi kejahatan-kejahatan yang menyertainya. Dalam istilah sosial, pada tahun 1950 orang-orang Papua mungkin memiliki kesempatan yang lebih sedikit untuk mengembangkan identitas mereka sendiri. Jelas bahwa mereka berada pada posisi yang sangat sulit pada tahun 1963, tetapi masyarakat Papua akan lebih mampu untuk mempertahankan diri dibandingkan apabila Belanda tidak memperpanjang pemerintahannya di New Guinea.

Adalah juga jelas, bahwa harapan sebagaimana tertera dalam kebijakan Belanda ternyata tidak tercapai, termasuk pula integrasi sebagaimana yang diharapkan oleh Indonesia. Buku ini tidak ditulis untuk menspekulasikan apa yang mungkin bisa terjadi di waktu lalu, atau bentuk apa yang harus terjadi di masa mendatang. Tujuan penulisan buku ini adalah untuk mengemukakan secara jujur peristiwa-peristiwa yang terjadi dalam suatu proses kompleks masuknya penduduk New Guinea ke dalam abad ke-20. Ini tidaklah berarti bahwa kisah ini bisa ditulis tanpa perasaan atau tanpa emosi. Mereka yang telah terlibat dalam keadaan yang serba tidak mungkin ini, sebagaimana yang dialami oleh orang-orang Papua selama sejarah mereka, hanya dapat berharap, sebagaimana juga harapan penulis buku ini, bahwa nasib orang-orang Papua akan berubah di abad yang baru kita masuki ini. Faktor-faktor yang berpengaruh terhadap nasib yang lebih baik itu dapat ditemukan dalam pembahasan buku ini. Faktor-faktor itu termasuk kemungkinan-kemungkinan yang dimiliki oleh masyarakat Papua itu sendiri yang telah mampu menunjukkan penguasaan diri, kearifan, dan pertahanan diri untuk memastikan bahwa mereka bisa hidup terus. Faktor-faktor itu tergantung pula pada perhatian masyarakat internasional, yang telah terlibat di dalam berbagai peristiwa dan dalam berbagai bentuk, dan dengan bertindak seperti itu sering menjadi penggerak utama perubahan. Hal ini terlihat dengan jelas dalam proses yang berakhir pada Persetujuan New York dan berbagai aturan yang dibuat atas dasar persetujuan itu. Bagi mereka yang mampu mengupayakannya, tanggung jawab kesejarahan seharusnya mempunyai arti yang signifikan di bawah hukum internasional.

Kemungkinan-kemungkinan masa depan yang lebih baik bagi penduduk New Guinea Barat dapat juga ditemukan dalam kepentingan Indonesia di daerah ini. Indonesia tidak saja memiliki tradisi militer dan pemerintahan otoriter, tetapi juga budaya interaksi dan upaya-upaya untuk menghasilkan pemerintah yang baik. Kita hanya bisa berharap bahwa kedua hal yang disebut terakhir ini akan memperoleh perhatian. Akhirnya, perlu dipertimbangkan bahwa kepentingan Indonesia dan Papua pada umumnya sama, karena mereka adalah tetangga dan saling membagi sejarah. Dua alasan utama untuk membangun pusat-pusat pemerintahan pada tahun 1898 adalah untuk menjamin batas timur kepulauan dan untuk membangun orang-orang Papua dan wilayah mereka. Kedua hal ini tetap dapat bersama-sama, entah dengan cara baik atau jahat. Jalan keluar harus ditemukan dengan cara mengkombinasikan masa depan yang lebih baik bagi orang-orang Papua dan pengaturan yang tepat di wilayah batas timur Indonesia. Walaupun begitu, tampaknya akan sulit untuk mengkombinasikan suatu jendela terbuka ke Pasifik dengan rakyat di bagian garis meridian 141 Indonesia ini, yang terus menerus memrotes karena mereka telah salah dimengerti dan dilukai.




Summary

In this book, we have followed the fortunes of the inhabitants of western New Guinea from the first exploration of their territory by the Spanish in the sixteenth century. This formed part of the voyages of discovery by means of which the maritime European nations extended their claims to authority overseas. The first chapter summarises the history up to the Second World War. The key point made is that the area was gradually drawn under the sphere of influence of the Dutch centre of power in Batavia. The interest in the capital of the Netherlands East Indies was not really commercial in nature, because New Guinea had too little to offer the world economy at that time. The reason for involvement was primarily political/strategic in nature; fixing the eastern border of the Dutch sphere of influence in Asia. An attempt was initially made to establish this under international law by supporting the vaguely defined claims to authority of the East Indian principality of Tidore, which had in turn recognised Dutch sovereignty. During the nineteenth century, with the arrival of positive international law, the emphasis was in addition increasingly placed on exercising actual deeds of authority as a reason for justifying the sovereignty of the Netherlands. From 1865 onwards, the Dutch government made it clear to the outside world that it regarded the 141st meridian as the eastern border of its sphere of power. In this way, a border was created which was subsequently accepted by the English and the Germans without discussion and thereby gained international legitimacy.

Up to the end of the nineteenth century, these European claims meant little to the local population. There was some coastal trade and in 1855, the first missionaries settled on the north coast, although initially without much success. This changed when permanent Dutch administrative centres were established in three locations around the turn of the century. These were located in Manokwari, Fakfak and Merauke. Although only limited resources were available for these centres, this did however signal the start of the reformation of the crumbled world of the Papuans of western New Guinea. Hand in hand with the work of the missions and administrative centres, there was a steady expansion of Western cultural and economic influence in the coastal areas, and the inland region was also explored and mapped out bit by bit. By the time the Second World War broke out, the conditions for the development of a new Papuan society had been created. This had a Christian orientation. This Dutch penetration had also led to closer contact between the Papuans and the population of the Indonesian archipelago, who were involved in these activities on New Guinea. Predominantly Amboinese in the north and Kai in the south, they came from the training centres established by the missionaries on their own islands. This also created a demarcation between a Protestant north and a Catholic south, even if this never became a hard and fast border.

There was a large gap between the Amboinese and Kai officials, teachers and clerics on the one hand and the Papuan population on the other. The first group looked down on the less developed Papuans and treated them accordingly. For their part, the Papuans, already suspicious of outsiders or 'amberi' who had, in earlier years, plundered their coasts as participants in the hongi tours from Ternate and Tidore, found their existing aversion deepening. This did not as a rule extend to the Europeans, who were ultimately responsible for the arrival of the Moluccan middle management, without whose help they could not have carried out their development programme for this area. This anti-amberi sentiment was the negative form of the Papuans' own sense of identity.

The development of Indonesian nationalism entirely passed the Papuans by. This was not just because of their low level of development, but also because of the related one-way communication with the rest of the Netherlands East Indies. The inhabitants of the latter visited New Guinea, but apart from some traffic with the closer islands, the Papuans did not travel to the centres of the Netherlands East Indies, which had little to offer them. In the single case where Papuans were indeed sent to Java as school pupils, they felt like fish out of water.

The Second World War and its aftermath increased this gap. The anti-amberi sentiment was strengthened because the Moluccan officials were used as enforcers of the Japanese coercive measures. In this respect, the position was similar to that in the rest of Indonesia, where comparable situations arose. This was the only point of similarity, however. New Guinea had no nationalist movement, the anti-Dutch nature of which could be encouraged by the occupiers. The disorganisation that accompanied the war did however lead to a revival of old cultural patterns in a number of locations. In Biak, this took the form of a messianic movement, which also incorporated elements of the new era. For the first time, people talked about a Papuan flag and a Papuan state, but embedded in ancient ideas. This was the Koreri, which is discussed in chapter two.

This chapter also shows that New Guinea had, in most respects, a different occupation history than the rest of Indonesia. It was only partially occupied. The Dutch influence continued to prevail in the south and in the interior. The occupation was also shorter and the island was liberated by the American army in the middle of 1944 already. The Dutch were also involved in this, and quickly took the administration back into their own hands. As a result, the restoration of power took place well before the independent Indonesian Republic was proclaimed on Java on 17 August 1945. With a few exceptions, the Indonesian revolution passed New Guinea by. Under the firm hand of the enthusiastic Commissioner Van Eechoud, the thread of the pre-war administration was once again picked up, but with a new emphasis. As an authority on the world of the Papuans, he was fully aware of its special character. Partly in view of the revolution underway in the other parts of the Netherlands East Indies, he started creating a Papuan elite who could lead their own people during a complex period. This administrative policy was continued, with far more resources than before, after the transfer of sovereignty in the rest of Indonesia. Chapter six follows this development until around 1958. Armed with the knowledge and experience gained in Indonesia, efforts were made to create a model colony which was, from the Dutch side, increasingly regarded as a unit which should be separate from Indonesia.

The Indonesian revolution and the ensuing transfer of sovereignty on 27 December 1949 determined the development of western New Guinea in the following decades. Chapter three outlines the policy followed by the Netherlands in respect of these historical events and discusses New Guinea's place in this in somewhat greater detail. It is argued that the concept of the right of self-determination was the key to the Dutch policy. This right was propagated at the beginning of the Second World War, particularly by the Americans, as one of the aims of the war. It was a particular instance of the older emancipation policy, which was, as far as the Netherlands was concerned, geared towards the archipelago as a whole during the first decades of the twentieth century. The different kinds of developments which occurred within the archipelago did not hamper this at the time, because the view was that the time had not yet come to take this policy to its ultimate conclusion. The wish to retain permanent relations - the Dutch variant on the theme of European imperial ambitions - also acted as a brake. After 1945, these hesitations were set aside one by one. Under the leadership of Lieutenant Governor General Van Mook, tailor-made solutions were sought, with good use being made of the right of self-determination recently included in the Charter of the United Nations. A distinction was at the time made between the right to self-determination of Indonesia as a whole and that of the constituent parts. This was not only the result of the unequal social development in the various parts of the archipelago and the divergent degrees to which the revolution had made headway in these, but was, from the Dutch point of view, also a usable tactical instrument to channel the revolution in an acceptable direction. The right of self-determination could therefore be made to serve Dutch interests and ambitions.

This led to the system of federalism, which would, within the larger relationships of a Dutch-Indonesian Union and an Indonesian federation, leave room for the right of the constituent parts to be able to decide on their own place. The outlines of this structure were laid down in the agreement of Linggadjati between the Netherlands and the Republic of Indonesia. The draft was initialled by both parties in November 1946. This already gave the names of the federal states that would have to make up the federation, but whether these could in fact be created was still uncertain. It was therefore stipulated in article 3 that if the population of certain areas 'democratically' indicated that they did not yet want to accede to the federation, such an area would be granted a special relationship with the United States of Indonesia and the Kingdom of the Netherlands.

During the further discussion of the draft by the Dutch cabinet, it was established that separate provision would have to be made for New Guinea, since its population could not yet be regarded as capable of deciding on their own fate. The Dutch guardianship would have to be continued for a longer period there. This immediately created a complication since, precisely because the Papuans could not be regarded as being capable of deciding on their own fate, this exceptional situation could not be brought about for them by democratic means. Article 3 had shot itself in the foot. The Dutch government and the parliament wanted to rectify this by incorporating this exceptional position directly in the agreement, but this was rejected by the Republic. The agreement of Linggadjati was therefore signed in March 1947 by both parties out of desperation without agreement having been reached on this point.

The ensuing period was one of intensive consultation between the Netherlands and the Indonesian Republic, interrupted by periods of military campaigns, which would continue until the end of 1949. What was at stake was, among other things, the organisation of the future independent Indonesia, with the Netherlands hanging onto the federal concept and the Republic, although it had agreed to this on paper, in reality not wishing to let go of the idea of a unitary state. During these discussions, the place of New Guinea always played a role in the background. The Dutch reasons for the exceptional treatment of this area were the very low level of development, the entirely different national character and the virtual absence of Indonesian nationalistic sentiment among the population. A supplementary argument was that the Indonesia-born Dutch would be able to have their own place in the tropical sun here, even after the Dutch flag had ceased to fly over the rest of the archipelago.

It was also of importance that Commissioner van Eechoud, in consultation with opposition groups in the Netherlands, saw a chance to keep attention focused on the special position of the area entrusted to him. In doing so, he was able to make skilful use of the mining opportunities offered by New Guinea. The significance of these and a number of other arguments is elaborated in chapter four. Not one argument was strong enough on its own to risk the failure of an agreement with the Republic, but in combination they proved strong enough to clinch matters. As a result, the Netherlands dug in its heels on this point during the Round Table Conference (RTC) of 1949 and New Guinea was for the time being excluded from the transfer of sovereignty. This was laid down in the Charter of the Transfer of Sovereignty. Article 1 stated that the Netherlands transferred full sovereignty over Indonesia to the United States of Indonesia, while article 2 stipulated that New Guinea was excluded from the transfer for the time being. The solution for the dispute that had arisen because of this would have to be found within a year.

The wording was ambiguous, and could be interpreted in several ways. As would become apparent, and as the experts had expected, the Netherlands had saddled itself with a multitude of problems. The initial reaction was not so pessimistic, because a solution could possibly have been found within the relationships between the Dutch-Indonesian Union and the Indonesian federation which would have made a certain distribution of tasks possible. This never got off the ground, however, because the federation was abolished by the Indonesian parties six months after it came into existence and there was little or no inclination on their part to give more substance to the Union. Under these circumstances, it was not possible to devise a position for New Guinea which was acceptable to all parties. This course of events is discussed in chapter five. The Dutch government clung to an interpretation in terms of which the text of the RTC agreement guaranteed its right to continue exercising sovereignty. The Indonesian government took the opposite view and refused to cooperate in eliciting a ruling from the International Court of Justice. Indonesia then took up an even more fundamental position, namely that New Guinea had been included in the proclamation of the independent Indonesian Republic of 17 August 1945 and that discussion with the Netherlands was only possible on that basis. Negotiations could therefore only be held about the manner in which control would be transferred to Indonesia, not about the principle of sovereignty or the rights of the Papuans. Under these circumstances, the successive discussions came to nothing. This conclusion could in fact have been drawn in the spring of 1951 already, but the final nail in the coffin was the failure of a conference held in Geneva around the end of 1955/beginning of 1956. The story is sketched against the background of the internal developments in Indonesia and the rapidly deteriorating relationship with the Netherlands. The statement, often made by the Dutch, that New Guinea was not the reason for the conflict but was being used by the Indonesian government to drive it forward, is, in the main, endorsed here. This statement does not of course detract from the fact that New Guinea did indeed form part of the conflict. Without New Guinea, it would have lost part of its focus.

In chapter seven, the attention shifts to the developments in Indonesia and to the international situation in the second half of the fifties. The end of an uprising in the outlying areas of Indonesia against the authority of the central government in Jakarta and a failed American attempt to intervene in favour of the rebels constituted the turning point in the position of the United States. From that time onwards, Indonesia could count on more international support, which was intensified by the Cold War. All this led to an arms race on the equator, as both Russia and the United States, each supported by a number of their allies, outbid one another to provide Indonesia with weapons under favourable conditions. The pressure that built up as a result was effectively aimed at the Netherlands. Separate attention is paid to the relationship between the Netherlands and the United States, which shows that the American government was, until around 1960, still prepared to exercise considerable pressure on the Indonesian government to dissuade it from acting against its European ally. The successive American Secretaries of State, Dulles and Herter, assured their colleague Luns in fairly general terms that the Netherlands could count on America's assistance in an emergency. It is shown that these guarantees were not without significance, but that they were always worded in such a way that the American government was free to determine, when it came down to it, how far it actually wanted to go.

Nonetheless, with its simultaneous and much more extensive support for Indonesia, the State Department found itself doing the splits, a position that it could only maintain with difficulty. In Washington, there was intensive internal discussion about an alternative policy. The conflicting American actions were also raising doubts in the Netherlands, but Minister Luns was able to, more or less, reassure the Dutch cabinet by keeping them meticulously up to date about the guarantees given to him by Dulles and Herter. The cabinet did however learn the lesson that international support could only be counted on if the Netherlands also took the necessary steps itself. This led to the dispatch of the aircraft carrier Karel Doorman in 1960, which was required to temporarily strengthen New Guinea's defences. In addition to America's attitude, Australia's position is also discussed. As the ruler of the eastern half of New Guinea and Indonesia's closest neighbour, Australia saw itself as a party closely involved in the affairs of the Dutch part. The government in Canberra was generally on the side of the Netherlands, as can be seen from the plans developed for administrative cooperation. It was however very aware that it could not support the Netherlands if America did not unconditionally hold the same view.

Chapter eight discusses how the estrangement of Indonesia, the way in which Indonesia was arming itself and the half-hearted attitude of Washington led to uncertainty among the Dutch public. This was strengthened by the behaviour of the Dutch Reformed Church and a separate, many-hued opposition in which journalist Oltmans, businessman Rijkens and Professor Duynstee from Nijmegen set the pace. Indonesian contacts played an undeniable role in this regard. Moreover, decolonization gained momentum internationally as well because of the hasty withdrawal of the Belgians from the Congo. All these factors together weakened support in the Netherlands for the policy followed by the government up to that time. This happened at a time when the Red-Roman coalition, under the leadership of Prime Minister Drees, dropped out of the picture and was replaced by a centre-right coalition led by J. De Quay of the Roman Catholic People's Party. The Social Democratic Party disappeared into the opposition, where it could freely express the doubts existing among its members about the policy followed up to then. The new Prime Minister and some of the members of his cabinet had the same doubts, however. The aims of the policy were not abandoned, but new ways of achieving these were sought. In this regard, an important role was set aside for State Secretary Th. Bot, who had already, as an official involved in the Round Table Conference and its aftermath, played with the idea of internationalising the government of New Guinea in one way or another in 1950. In this way, he hoped to get international support for the policy pursued by the Netherlands. After taking office as State Secretary, charged with special administrative responsibility for New Guinea, he raised these ideas again, this time in discussions and in a number of policy documents from 1960. He found Prime Minister De Quay a willing listener.

Initially, this was very much contrary to what Luns wanted, but the Minister was forced to go along with this, at least partially, when it became clear that the cabinet was not prepared to support him through thick and thin, and given that the American attitude at the time of the voyage of the Karel Doorman was anything but reassuring. Luns did not want a war either, especially not without firmer American guarantees. An uncertain factor was furthermore that the elections in the United States in November 1960 had brought a new president to power. This was the democrat John F Kennedy, and it was not certain what his attitude to the New Guinea question would be. The first cautious steps towards the possibility of a limited form of international involvement were taken in the late summer of 1960. A year later this led to the drawing up of the Luns Plan, which was submitted to the General Assembly of the United Nations. This contained the offer to place New Guinea under international rule, however on condition that Indonesia would play no part in this. This plan was however withdrawn, because it became apparent during the preliminary talks that this was a step too far for the General Assembly. The general feeling was that the Netherlands would first have to talk to Indonesia. Immediately after the end of the meeting, President Soekarno announced that an operational commando was being set up whose task was to occupy New Guinea by force of arms. This meant that the Netherlands came under pressure from a number of sides at the same time. After thorough discussion of the possibilities and objectives, the Dutch government hesitantly declared on 2 January 1962 that it was prepared to include Indonesia in the discussions on the future of New Guinea. This also meant that it would immediately be faced with the Indonesian assumption that it had had sovereignty over the area since 1945, so that all that needed to be discussed was how to arrange the transfer.

The progress of the ensuing negotiations under American pressure and the threat of Indonesian military action are sketched in chapter nine. First there was a period where the parties sounded each other out, with neither party wanting to let go of its known starting position right at the outset. Luns showed himself to be ready to talk, but subject to a large number of conditions. This was partly because he expected Indonesia to collapse either politically or militarily during the negotiations, after which he could persuade the Americans to take up a position more favourable to the Netherlands. To ensure that it was prepared for all eventualities, the Netherlands substantially strengthened the defence system on New Guinea. The matter turned out differently than Luns had wished, however. The Kennedy government proved to be of little help in strengthening the Dutch defences on New Guinea and brought political pressure to bear on the Netherlands. It also became clear that Indonesia was in fact in a position to continue its military build-up. Intelligence services reported that the country would be in a position to send a large force to New Guinea in the second half of 1962. In April, the deadlock was broken by an American proposal that had been hatched in the State Department long before. This was known as the Bunker Plan, under which New Guinea would be transferred to Indonesia after a short interim period during which it would be administered by the United Nations. The question of how to react to this divided the cabinet, but not to such an extent as to cause a rupture. After extensive discussion, the Dutch government accepted this plan as the point of departure for the negotiations, even if they would have to try to hold onto the right of self-determination for the Papuans as far as possible.

The drama ended with the Agreement of New York of 15 August 1962, which laid down the more or less immediate transfer of power over New Guinea to the United Nations, followed some time later by a transfer of power to Indonesia. As a concession to Dutch wishes, an Act of Free Choice would take place before the end of 1969, by means of which the Papuans would be able to indicate whether they wanted to continue with Indonesia or not. This was, like all the previous agreements with Indonesia, a document that was vaguely worded on a number of essential points, to the detriment of the Netherlands. This was a reflection of the weak Dutch negotiating position. These uncertainties related in particular to the duration of the transition period and the guarantees for the implementation of an internationally acceptable referendum. The responsibility for the latter was left entirely in the hands of Indonesia, with the United Nations only having the task of lending a helping hand if Indonesia requested this. The vagueness also had its advantages, however. The Netherlands could console itself with the thought that, as matters lay, it had done its best for the Papuans. This opinion was in any event eagerly put forward by the Dutch government to the outside world. Internally, people knew better. When the agreement was signed on 15 August 1962, the Dutch Council of Ministers was disillusioned about the poor outcome of the consultations, while Luns publicly vented his spleen on the American government.

The last chapters deal mainly with the events on New Guinea. The account is, where necessary, interrupted by considerations about international developments and the reactions to these in the Netherlands. Chapter ten gives an outline of the last years of Dutch rule. After Bot took office, a great deal of effort was put into the accelerated education of the Papuans. They were now involved as a political factor. To this end, district councils were set up in the separate residencies and a New Guinea council for the entire area. From the platforms provided in this way, a small group of Papuans was able to develop new initiatives for their political future and introduce themselves to the Dutch public. How this was done is explained in chapter eleven. In doing so, they developed their own, supplementary, organisational forms. In their statements, they showed themselves to be enthusiastic advocates of the right of self-determination, but they also indicated that they hoped that the Netherlands would not abandon them just yet. Immediate independence was the last thing they wanted. Their attitude towards Indonesia was generally guarded, although there were some exceptions to this.

On the whole, this attitude reflected the policy followed by the Dutch government. This was geared towards greater independence, but developed in the context of the conflict with the aggressive Indonesia. Key points of this policy were the formation of the New Guinea Council in April 1961, followed the same year by the adoption of a flag and a national anthem. Setting up the New Guinea Council required careful preparation in order to achieve as representative a body as possible. Adopting a flag and a national anthem went more quickly. This initiative came entirely from the Papuan side, but was taken up by the Dutch authorities and laid down in ordinances surprisingly quickly. We must remember that this took place during the period when Luns was trying, and failing, to sell his plan to the United Nations. The first hoisting of the flag on 1 December 1961 was greeted with joy everywhere. The Papuans of western New Guinea now had a widely accepted symbol of their own identity. It was also understood as such, not just in the Netherlands but also in Jakarta. Soekarno saw the raising of the flag for what it was: a direct rejection of the proclamation of 1945 and the unmistakable beginning of the formation of a Papuan state. The Trikora speech in which he announced the attack on New Guinea was therefore, in so many words, directed against this as well.

It is however also shown that this interpretation encountered objections from the Dutch side. The flag was expressly intended as a regional flag, not by definition as the flag of a new state. The final decision about this would have to be left to the Papuans themselves, via the right of self-determination. Furthermore, it was at that time becoming ever clearer that discussion with Indonesia could not be avoided, and that it was desirable to point this out to the Papuans. This did indeed play a role in the information given to the Papuans, even if the Dutch found it hard to be overly explicit, especially since the vast majority of Papuans did not like the idea. After all, Indonesia had been seen as the enemy for years, an enemy that not only made negative comments about what was going on on the island, but was also always needling them with military incursions which had to be warded off by the Dutch with the assistance of the Papuan police. From the end of 1961 onwards, Jakarta's behaviour, both in word and deed, was outright threatening. It was not easy to maintain a high degree of neutrality in these circumstances. Nevertheless, the Papuan elite finally also became aware of the need to do so. Once it had become clear on 15 August 1962 that the days of Dutch rule were at an end, there was intensive discussion among this elite about their own position. Self-determination remained the primary aim, but to achieve this it was necessary to reach a workable relationship with Indonesia. It is therefore possible to state at the end of chapter eleven that the top layer of Papuan society, albeit small and still in the initial stage of development, had a notable understanding of the reality. At the beginning of September, a hastily convened Papuan congress decided to accept the consequences of the agreement. Those present accepted the arrival of the Indonesians, but also decided to hold on to the Act of Free Choice laid down in the Agreement of New York.

In chapter twelve we discuss the transition period under the flag of the United Nations and the first years of Indonesian rule from 1962 onwards. The UN administration lacked the necessary power, the will and the expertise to bring about a truly neutral interim phase. It did however make the organised withdrawal of the Dutch administration possible as well as the transfer of its tasks to the Indonesian successors. Initially, the Papuan officials and policemen took over many of these tasks, particularly at local government level. At the same time, Indonesian soldiers and officials were pouring into the country in far larger numbers than planned and quickly took control. They exerted heavy pressure on the Papuans to choose their side publicly and to give up the dream of self-determination. Furthermore, the first signs of the violent action taken by the Indonesian military, which would also characterise the new administration in the coming decades, soon appeared. Rapid impoverishment ensued, together with a substantial decline in legal certainty and a loss of civil rights across the board. This was accompanied by a systematic breaking down of everything that harked back to the Netherlands, to be replaced with the Indonesian body of ideas on planned democracy. This led to increasingly negative reactions from the Papuans. The hinterland of Manokwari, in particular, was in a permanent state of opposition from 1965 onwards, which was combated with hard-handed military action. The number of victims quickly rose into the thousands.

Initially, the most politically aware Papuans pinned their hopes on the Act of Free Choice. The Indonesians, however, showed little interest in actually implementing this. Jakarta's attitude changed when Soeharto took office as the new president of Indonesia. He found the country in a state of disorganisation and economic upheaval and urgently needed international credit. To get this, Indonesia needed international respectability. Indonesia had to show that it could keep to international treaties. Implementing the Act of Free Choice, the last part of the Agreement of New York, offered the opportunity to do just that. Nevertheless, the new president did stipulate a proviso, namely that no outcome other than a ruling in favour of Indonesia would be acceptable to him.

The process got underway in the summer of 1968 with the arrival of Ortiz Sanz, who, as the representative of the secretary-general of the United Nations, was supposed to assist Indonesia in implementing the Act of Free Choice. How this played out is discussed in chapter thirteen. Initially, Ortiz Sanz was in good spirits and hoped to be able to organise a referendum which would be credible by international standards. His expectations in this regard were strengthened by the attitude of the Indonesian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Adam Malik, who had already visited New Guinea previously and who had been forced, after his return, to admit that there had been serious mismanagement. Malik indicated that he wanted to improve matters, not just the administration as such but also the way in which the Act of Free Choice was to be implemented. The limits of this willingness were however determined by the position of the president.

The reality was accordingly a bitter disappointment to Ortiz Sanz. Indonesian pressure meant that his team was kept very small. After his arrival on New Guinea in September 1968 he was overrun with petitions from Papuans complaining about Indonesian mismanagement in all kinds of areas. He took these complaints seriously and passed them on to his Indonesian counterpart Sudjarwo Tjondronegoro, asking him to take the required action. Sudjarwo regarded this as inappropriate interference, which meant that their relationship was on a bad footing virtually from the outset. Indonesia disregarded his advice about the form of the referendum and chose instead the system of musyawarah, labelled as a traditional Indonesian system. This term had only been referred to in the agreement for the interpretation of one part, but now became the leading principle for the entire referendum. Under this system, only collective decisions were possible and perfect consensus was a prerequisite.

Chapter fourteen discusses the formation of the consultative councils, as well as the ensuing execution of the Act of Free Choice. Ortiz Sanz was not allowed to play any part in putting together the electorate and was given the smallest possible role in the implementation of the referendum itself. The course of events is followed based on the reports of diplomats and journalists, who were able to be present at or observe various parts of the process. Papuans who were involved in the execution of the Act of Free Choice also have their say. The reports from the United Nations and Indonesian government are also used. In the opinion of the Western observers and the Papuans who have spoken out about this, the Act of Free Choice ended up as a sham, where a press-ganged electorate acting under a great deal of pressure appeared to have unanimously declared itself in favour of Indonesia.

The implementation of the Act of Free Choice was supervised from New York by top United Nations officials. They exerted hardly any counterpressure against the Indonesian plans and practices, however; nor, for that matter, did The Hague or Washington. In The Hague, Minister Luns, still active as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, took the view that the Netherlands did acknowledge a moral responsibility, but did not, according to the text of the agreement, have the scope to take action itself. Dutch action remained limited to being understanding about the Indonesian behaviour without publicly endorsing this. In the meantime, the tide had turned in The Hague and all hopes were pinned on good cooperation with Indonesia. Nevertheless, the Lower House did put some pressure on the government to make an effort to support an open referendum for the Papuans. This led to a meeting between Dutch and Indonesian ministers in Rome in May 1969. In a statement made after the meeting, the Dutch ministers took cognisance of the Indonesian approach, and expressed the expectation that there would be full agreement between the Indonesian government and the secretary-general of the UN about the implementation of the referendum. Malik, Luns and Udink furthermore announced their joint intention to collaborate in the economic development of the area. The Rome declaration confirmed the basic assumption that had applied up to that point, namely that the United Nations would ultimately have to come to an understanding with Indonesia about the approach to be followed. It gave Ortiz Sanz no foothold from which he could influence the direction of events.

The final report of the secretary-general of the United Nations was entirely based on a very rosy-hued report from Ortiz Sanz on his role in the implementation of the Act of Free Choice. It contained only weak criticism of the opposition from the Indonesian side. On the basis of this, U Thant could do nothing other than conclude that an Act of Free Choice had been held. He was unable to use the definite article, because the representative value of the operation had been far below the standards laid down in the Agreement of New York. Although this could be interpreted as a scathing judgement, the vagueness of the wording also made it possible, for those who wished to do so, to simply pass over it in silence.

The final round took place in October and November 1969 in the General Assembly of the United Nations, where the Netherlands and Indonesia worked together to shepherd the secretary-general's report through the meeting. The United States also lent a helping hand. Although in pragmatic terms the latter was to a large degree responsible for the course of events that had led to the Agreement of New York and therefore to the Act of Free Choice, the United States, like the Netherlands, hid behind the United Nations, which had therefore drawn the short straw. There was however strong criticism from a group of African countries which had been sympathetic to the problems of the Papuans since 1961. It was of little use. An amendment submitted by them to the effect that a new referendum should be organised in a number of years was rejected with a clear majority of votes. The result was that the council accepted the resolution jointly submitted by the Netherlands and Indonesia, in which it declared that it took cognisance of the report, with thirty abstentions but no 'nay' votes. The 'New Guinea question' had therefore been settled in accordance with the text of the agreement and could be removed from the agenda of the United Nations.

Finally, attention is paid to the concluding discussions in the Dutch parliament in 1962 and 1969. These took place after the conclusion of the agreement and the implementation of the Act of Free Choice, respectively. In both cases, the question of sovereignty came up for discussion, a question which had divided Indonesia and the Netherlands since 1950. It was not dealt with in the text of the agreement. After the Agreement of New York was concluded, all the parties took the position that the rounding off process in the United Nations would be the final phase of the transfer of sovereignty. This would then have taken place de facto, if not de jure. This was emphatically underlined by the Dutch government in both 1962 and 1969 in a number of statements before parliament. Accordingly, once the General Assembly had taken cognisance of the final report of the secretary-general about the completion of this final part of the agreement, this signalled the end of the conflict about the sovereignty of western New Guinea. This did not mean that there was no future involvement on the Dutch side. This was expressed in a pledge, signed by Indonesia and the Netherlands, to collaborate in the development of western New Guinea. The Dutch government took the view, both then and later, that the Netherlands would only be able to do something for its former subjects by collaborating effectively with Indonesia.

The above was a summary of the content and principal conclusions of this study. The end of the Act of Free Choice meant the start of an Indonesian administration that was fully accepted by the international community. The feared general rebellion of the Papuans failed to materialise, but there was nevertheless continued unrest. In 1971, the militant resistance movement OPM declared independence. This resistance was however harshly dealt with and in any case remained a marginal phenomenon. West Irian, now renamed as Irian Jaya (the victorious Irian), was declared an autonomous province which was under the responsibility of the Minister of the Interior. In reality the situation remained as it had been since 1963: an area under rather unsuccessful military rule, that continued to show all the characteristics of the preceding period. A forced cultural offensive came to nothing. Indonesia imposed its own norms on the Papuan population. Criticism or opposition was not tolerated and was harshly punished. It is difficult to estimate the number of people who fell victim to this. Figures running into the tens of thousands have been mentioned.

A legal research group linked to Yale University found, in their report from 2003, the facts which had become known to them sufficiently serious to use the ominous word genocide to describe the situation. This implied that in the group's opinion, the behaviour of the Indonesian government suggests that it was out to destroy the Papuans as such. This pronouncement was however accompanied by the requisite doubts. These doubts are, in my opinion, correct, to the extent that this group should not have come to this conclusion. Of course, the violence of the Indonesian administration pointed out by the group is a real fact. It is indeed apparent already from the account given by us of the first years of Indonesian rule. According to the statements of Papuans with a considerable knowledge of what was going on, not a day went by during the following decades when no one died or no one was seriously mistreated. Furthermore, Indonesia now started using the area, on a larger scale than before, to soak up the overflow of its own fast-growing population. The Papuans usually came off worst in this regard. During this process, they lost more and more ground, with most of the jobs also going to the immigrants. These were processes which were also apparent elsewhere in Indonesia, but were most oppressive in West Irian. The cities became replicas of the average Indonesian city: densely populated and dirty.

On the positive side, however, the previously stable and slowly growing Papuan population increased by more than 50% under Indonesian rule. Furthermore, the Indonesian government continued to support education, not just via its own bodies, but also via the existing church institutions. This meant that the education of the Papuan youth continued to progress. Furthermore, more contact with the rest of Indonesia via contact with the newcomers, via the media and by means of personal visits outside the island, ensured a broadening of the Papuans' horizons. Integrating the Papuans into the body of the state remained problematic, however. Officials educated during the period of Dutch rule usually remained in the lower ranks. The arrival of the Indonesian administration had put an end to the formal professional structure of the government organisation, where education was closely linked to career development. Now appointments were all about having the right friends and connections, and this meant that the Papuans lost out. The financing of the government machinery was shaky, which meant that the government officials had to find part of their income locally themselves. This was also the case for the army, which, it is estimated, only received thirty percent of its financing from the treasury. Added to all this was the fact that West Irian was not, and had never been, a popular post, which led to a high turnover of Indonesian officials.

It goes without saying that such a system paves the way for all kinds of abuses. The Papuans had little chance of succeeding. After the retirement of Frans Kaisiepo in 1973, Izaak Hindom became the next Papuan governor in 1982. His arrival made little difference to the balance of power. Nor did it lead to any noticeable integration of Papuans into the business world, even if the latter was flourishing. Once the Act of Free Choice had taken place, the extraction of oil once again got going and the copper already discovered in the Carsztens mountains before the war could be exploited under the more stable conditions of the Soeharto administration by the American mining company Freeport. This constituted a rich source of income for the Indonesian treasury and for the elite in Jakarta, insofar as the latter was involved in the management and central administration of the company. The positive effects on the local economy remained negligible, however; the disadvantages, in the form of pollution and land loss, were therefore all the greater. The Papuan population is one of the poorest groups in Indonesia.

The organisational and mental integration into the Indonesian state was not achieved. When the tide turned in 1998 and Soeharto's regime came to an end, this created a power vacuum during which the population of New Guinea could once again speak freely and the problems of the area became visible to the outside world for a while. One thing was clear: Indonesia had not succeeded in winning the hearts of the Papuans. Their behaviour showed that their own national consciousness had in the meantime increased sharply. By means of their own disciplined behaviour, the leading Papuans in church and society managed to prevent serious riots, and were able to bring the voice of the Papuans to the attention of the Indonesian government and the world in a dignified yet insistent manner. The result was that during a visit to Jayapura on New Year's Day 2000, the Indonesian president Abdurrachman Wahid promised to improve the government and conceded that the name Irian Jaya, which was seen as a symbol of Indonesian domination, could be replaced by the name Papua. This was a key point in the series of events with which we opened this book. Since then, the clock has to a large extent been turned back. Papua is, however, still waiting for the genuine fulfilment of the promises made about broad autonomy. This is no one-sided affair, and what the Papuans themselves have to say will have to weigh heavily in the implementation of this promise. The first condition for this is freedom of speech and movement. This immediately brings to mind the words of the Indonesian minister Adam Malik, who publicly announced, during his visit to the area in 1996, that the army would first have to be withdrawn before Papuan society would be able to develop. Since he spoke these words, the pressure exerted by the army and police on the population has, however, only increased.

This book tells the story of the entry of the population of New Guinea into modern times. The Netherlands acted as the intermediary in this process until 1962. A great deal of attention has therefore been paid in this study to the objectives of the Dutch policy. These were initially strategic in nature: establishing the eastern border of Batavia's sphere of authority. With the creation of the first administrative centres in 1898, the Dutch went a step further. The aim was now, to use the words of Commissioner Plate, 'to turn savages into people'. The terminology chosen fitted in with the idea of guardianship prevalent at the time, which gave the colonial administration the task of educating those under its rule. Once Dutch rule had been established, the coastal population slowly but surely came under the sphere of influence of the modern world. This became much more urgent with the onset of decolonization. More explicitly and in modern language, the move towards self-determination became the main aim of the Dutch policy in respect of New Guinea from 1945 onwards. Efforts to achieve this were intensified after 1950. The exclusion from the transfer of sovereignty in 1950 resulted in an additional twelve years of Dutch rule, during which a great deal was done for the country and its population. The Papuan world of 1962 differed radically from that of 1950, let alone 1900. Broad development had taken place and a small but high calibre upper class had been formed, who would, if given the chance, be able to lead society as a whole in the long term. Under the Indonesian regime, this development continued in fits and starts, however without offering the prospect of this elite actually being able to play the leading and guiding role intended for it.

It could be argued, given the last point, that it would in fact have been better to transfer sovereignty in 1950. The society would indeed have developed more slowly, but via the influence of the missions, which were also able to continue their work elsewhere in Indonesia, the direction followed would nevertheless have been the same. Perhaps then the mistrust and enmity, which still characterises the relationship between Papuans and Indonesians today, would not have arisen. This argument is an attractive one, but does not do justice to the scope and power of the constructive work that took place between 1950 and 1962. Furthermore, it all too easily assumes that the split between the Papuans and Indonesians could then have been avoided. This is not at all certain, however. The anti-amberi sentiment was already present in full force in 1950, and the negative Indonesian attitude towards the Papuans was likewise well established. A speedy transfer would not have prevented the formation of a military regime, nor the accompanying violence. In social terms, the Papuans would, in 1950, have had much less chance to establish their own identity. As matters were, they undoubtedly found themselves in an extremely difficult position in 1963, but Papuan society was better able to defend itself than it would have been without the extended Dutch rule.

It is however also clear that the desired ultimate aim of the Dutch policy has not been achieved, nor the integration desired by Indonesia. This book was not written to speculate about what could have been, nor to say what the future should look like. The aim is to give as faithful an account as possible of the complex process of the entry of the population of western New Guinea into the world of the twentieth century. This does not mean that this story can be told or read without any emotions or feelings. Those who have become engrossed in the impossible position that the Papuans have found themselves in over the course of this history, can only hope, with the author, that their fate will take a turn for the better in the new century. The factors on which such a fate can be based can be found in the above. They lie in the possibilities of Papuan society itself, which has produced the necessary self-control, wisdom and resilience to ensure its survival. They also lie in the interest shown by the international community, which has interfered with the course of events in all kinds of ways and, in doing so, has often been the primary driving force behind change. This was most clearly expressed in the processes that led to the conclusion of the Agreement of New York and the regulations based on this. For those who are able to bear it, historical responsibility should also have significance under international law.

The possibilities for a better future for the inhabitants of western New Guinea can also be found in Indonesia's interest in the area, for Indonesia not only has a tradition of military and authoritarian rule, but also of cultured interaction and efforts to provide good government. We can only hope that the latter two aspects gain the upper hand. Finally, there is the consideration that the interests of Indonesia and the Papuans, because they are neighbours and have a shared history, are, in the main, the same. The two primary motives for establishing the administrative centres in 1898 were to secure the eastern border of the archipelago and to develop the Papuans and their country. These can still go together, by hook or by crook. A solution should be found that combines a better future for the Papuans with the proper regulation of the eastern border of Indonesia. It would, however, appear to be difficult to combine an open window onto the Pacific with a grumbling, misunderstood and maltreated population on the Indonesian side of the 141st meridian.(By Agus Sumule)

Sumber: Suara Papua Merdeka. Jan 8, 2006, 20:54 (http://www.melanesianews.org)

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